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Mughal Kingship and Ideas of Religiosity: Collaboration, Compromise, and Cooperation


By: Abhimanyu Kalsotra (MA Medieval History, CHS, JNU ,Email: abhimanyukalsotra5401@gmail.com )

The institution of Kingship was the central and most essential feature of the state. Kingship reached  its zenith during the reign of Akbar as there came about the formation of newer views from Islamic  tradition amalgamated with the Indic traditions of the subcontinent which started a cross-cultural  and socio-religious appeal to an audience not just in cosmopolitan setting but elsewhere as well. 

The focus of this paper would be on how Mughal kingship was based on ideas derived from  religion. The scope of the paper would be limited to the reign of Akbar from 1556-1605 CE.  Furthermore, the political theory as constructed by Abu’l Fazl would be considered to look at how  religious notions shaped kingship. Akbar’s policy of religious tolerance based on principles of  sulh-i kul or ‘Absolute peace’ and the imperial discipleship based on din-i ilahi or ‘Divine faith’  makes his reign more interesting as one sees the commix of existing notions and origin of newer  ideas of symbolism and imperial authority making the empire robust for the coming centuries. 

Abu’l Fazl (d.1602), the court historian of Akbar, was highly influenced by Shihab al-Din  Suhrawardi’s theory of ishraq (illumination) which combined classical Greek and Roman thought  with the pre-Islamic Zoroastrian concepts and Sufi treatises of Mishat al-Anwar (The niche for  lights).1 The theory states that those beings who are imbued fully with the divine light will become  the masters of age and gain not only power and wisdom but also the ability to rule justly as well  as benevolently.2 Abu’l Fazl presented this notion to Akbar and used it to present him as the divine  monarch.

According to the theory of ishraqi, the divine light is passed down vertically from one generation  to another which gives a sense of legitimacy to the rulers to rule. Abu'l Fazl directly traces the  lineage of Akbar from Adam, the first man and how the divine light got transmitted down the line  which finally impregnated Alanquwa, a Mughal princess, and hence, Nairun became the progenitor   for the Mughal house and lastly, the divine light reached Akbar3 and he is portrayed as a superior  being who is much closer to God, the true reality.4

The role played by divine light is not just to give legitimacy to the rule but also to establish Akbar  as the perfect man who has esoteric knowledge and authority greater than the interpreters of sharia' (mujtahid), Sufi masters (pirs) and charismatic saviours (mahdi). Faizi in one of his eulogistic  quatrains says “He is a king whom on account of his wisdom, we call zufunun (possessor of the  sciences) and our guide on the path of religion. Although kings are the shadow of God on earth,  he is the emanation of God’s light. How then can we call him a shadow?”5 At other places, he is  eulogised as the new Adam, the “lord of the two worlds” or the “lord of surāt and ma’ni”. Akbar  as padshah is seen as the one who is like a key of all locks, visible as well as invisible. The one  who is the brightener of the temporal and the spiritual world (rawshani-afza-yi jahan-I surāt u  ma’ni).6

The control over the temporal and spiritual world which Akbar gets from the divine light makes  him a man of deeper understanding who can judge a ray of divine power in the smallest of things.  Abu’l Fazl would like us to believe, “True greatness in spiritual and worldly matters, he does not  shrink from the minutiae of business, but regards their performance as an act of divine  worship…no dignity is higher in the eyes of God than royalty, for a king is the origin of stability”.  In concurrence with the long-standing Islamic traditions, stability of the empire would mean the  execution of justice.7 The justice which Akbar should maintain is not limited to the courtroom. It involves dealing evenly between men in their disputes whatever the difference of wealth, power  and education be.8 The ruler who is an object of divine light is always thinking of the health of the  social body of the age (shakhs-i zaman). Through the action of a ray of amity and concord, a  multitude of people becomes one body. Warriors, craftsmen and merchants, people of the pen, and  agriculturists are like fire, air, water and earth respectively, as quoted by Abu’l Fazl. 9 It is  interesting to note that ulema is not mentioned in this category which might reflect the unspoken  tension between the monarch and the ulema. 

It is pertinent to note how Akbar used the divine revelation which he shared with the pre-Islamic  kings and scholars and mixed it with the notions of ancient Indian kingship of acting like a father  to the subjects, to create an enlightened state.10 There was a commix of the Islamic notion of the  king being accessible to subjects with the Hindu practise of darshan, beholding to form a new  ritual called jharokha-i darshan. Abu’l Fazl records it being practised at Fatehpur Sikri by Akbar  where he comes to a heavily ornate balcony at fixed time periods and represents himself as the  upholder of justice while being imbued with the divine light of the sun.11

The veneration of the sun by Akbar also became a primary ritualistic practice that could offer an  appeal to the divine light imagery used in various traditions. Few scholars understood the practice  as purely Islamic as Tarikh-i Alfi12 quotes various Arabic prayers dedicated to the sun from the  early ninth century CE whereas few Sanskrit sources place the ritual as Brahmanical or of Jaina  origin. Siddhicandra in Bhanucandraganicarita13 says that Akbar used to recite Sanskrit names of  the sun during his morning prayers. Badauni records that at various instances there used to be  clashes between the recitation of Sanskrit names of sun and the Islamic prayers. 

Akbar also gave impetus to the translation of Sanskrit works like mahabharata and ramayana into  Persian. Abu’l Fazl tries to establish a link of Akbar to the solar ancestry in the Sanskrit cultural  realms by drawing parallels between the divine impregnation of Alanquwa with the story of the  impregnation of Karna’s mother, Kunti by the divine light in mahabharata.14 This helped Akbar  to get a wider acceptance as the solar ancestry was a common model of kingship, gave linguistic  diversity to his interpretations of sun veneration and increased the cross-cultural potential of  legitimacy not just as the king but also the perfect man.15

While Akbar used the familial charisma residing in the direct descent from the Timurid line as the  vertical source of divine kingship, a complex matrix of ties with the mystic personalities present  in the realms of the empire gave him the horizontal legitimacy. Two major mystic episodes  occurred in the life of Akbar which Abu’l Fazl notes in great detail. One, during the early years of  his reign which he termed as ‘Akbar’s great solitude in the desert’ and two, in 1578 during a mass  slaughter when he experienced the sublime joy of attraction (jazaba) of the cognition of God.16 A  prominent Chishtiyya saint, Shaikh Salim Chisthi is considered to have given blessing (barkhat)  to Akbar to become a father and hence, took place the birth of Salim, named so in reverence and  respect of the shaikh. The royal palace of Fatehpur Sikri had an exquisite tomb of the shaikh made  out of white marble, a symbol of austerity and divine light.17

Akbar also shared deep regards for Khwaja Mu’in ud-Din Chishtiyya of Ajmer and visited his  dargah a total of fourteen times.18 It is believed that Akbar used to spend days at stretch praying  and taking part in discussions at the premises. Here, again, the tomb had white marble symbolising  the divine light and Akbar’s interest in mysticism.19 Chishtiyya silsilaha was the most prominent  order of Sufism in northern India. A sense of public display of affection and association with the  order was not just to bring in mystical attachments to the persona of Akbar but also to bring in a  political appeal and popular reputation.20

The religious affiliations of Akbar were pushed through a series of architectural marvels which  symbolised not just the imperial authority but also blurred the lines between royalty and divinity.  The tomb constructed to commemorate the death of Humayun at Delhi became the inspiration for future tombs. It had a mihrab constructed within the main premise. The layout plan was based on  the Garden of Paradise. There were carved stone screens added for the passing of the light.21 The  outer wall of the main tomb had astrological symbols like six-pointed stars and a moon. It is  pertinent to note how visual reference to nur or divine light is central to the tomb, as it mentioned  in Qu’ran that God’s presence is likened to light in a niche.22

Akbar also happened to express his autonomy via public expression when he shifted the capital  from Delhi to Agra and later Fatehpur Sikri. It was to show that mere virtual possession of citadels  is not enough for legitimacy.23 Richards calls the city of Fatehpur ‘an aesthetic effort of great  appeal and near-genius’.24 It also enshrined a mosque and tomb of Salim Chishti, as mentioned  above, to display in action the binary institutions of legal and mystic Islam. Later, the construction  of Akbar’s Tomb at Sikandra further institutionalised the religious ideologies which Akbar as the  padshah championed. The Persian inscription at the entry of the tomb says. “These are the Gardens  of Paradise. Enter them and live forever”. The top floor of the tomb is in marble reflective of the  mysticism attached with the Sufi dargahs. It does not have a conventional dome but is open to the  sky. There also stands a lampstand, chiraqdan, which was probably for a ceremonial fire. Another  inscription at the tomb of relevance is, “May his soul shine like the rays of the sun and the moon  in the light of God”.25 It is here we see the amalgamation of religious ideas which Akbar professed  in his worldly outlook as the padshah. 

Paintings were another source of symbolism used to profess the religious connotations attached  with Akbar. Abu’l Fazl in Ain’ talks briefly about paintings and their significance to recognise ‘a  higher truth, especially when abstract concepts are given a realistic, immediate expression’.26 Paintings and illustrations in Akbarnama affirmed Abu’l Fazl’s view of Akbar: “absolute light  which could carry…conviction as an image of absolute power”.27 Akbar was usually shown with  a subtle sense of calm. Although the focus was never directly on him, he was central to the theme  of these paintings. Furthermore, the paintings from the imperial atelier were often signed by the  artists submitting themselves as disciples of the king.28 Before discussing the imperial discipleship  instituted by Akbar one should understand the notions of sulh-i kul which gradually became  relevant after Akbar became familiar with wahdat u’l-wujud of Ibn al-Arabi. 

Wahdat u’l-wujud stated that all which is not part of divine reality is an illusion, which led Akbar  to the notion that all religions are either equally true or equally illusionary.29 It was later formalised  as sul-I kul, absolute peace. It became a ‘mystic notion alluding to the state of fana to that of a  concept denoting the principles capable of promoting socio-political amity in a culturally and  pluralistic situation’. In a reply to Murad, Akbar said, ‘if God so wishes, you shall enter, into  private chamber of this wonderful divine mystery’. Akbar wishes to emphasise the role of  preceptor. The status of preceptor perceived as insan-i kamil of Islamic mysticism.30 This new  outlook reflected a tilt towards rationality which Akbar prescribed not only for his personal  devotees (arbab-i iradat) but also the socio-political elite. 

Abu’l Fazl further redefined this newer concept of kingship even more majestically as a social  contract between the men of society and those in the authority of the state. It not only created a  shift from a matrix of royal linkages between the amirs and royalty but also new elitist cultural  values rooted in common sense and rationality. Abu’l Fazl notes various instances to highlight the  same. Akbar condemned Hindu men for inducing their wives to perish in fire and Muslim men for  giving a lesser share to their daughters in the inheritance.31 Akbar received a strong reaction from   the orthodox section of Islam but not so much from the Hindus.32 Jesuits, and Shaikh Ahmad  Sirhindi and Badauni were highly critical of his policies. Talking about rationality, Abu’l Fazl  highlighted that a just sovereign should not oppose reason (aql).33 But he himself is pushing for  mystic theories of divine light while creating the image of the padshah.34

Wahdat u’l-wujud made Akbar open to all kinds of religious ideas and it surely reflected in his  idea of kingship. Akbar adopted various practices from Hinduism, Zoroastrianism. He expanded  his nobility to the Hindu Rajputs as well as Shi’ites. Badauni saw this as a triumph of Shiaism over  orthodoxy. There was also a sense of honour for amirs as there was a shift from personal lineage  to that of slave warrior administration.35 The relationship of slave and master was a unique method  of proving loyalty to the ruler. Akbar became the master and others his slaves. Many critics of  Akbar highlighted that with the changing composition of nobility, various others were elevated to  the position of slaves and entered the system of slave and master relationship.36 Sulh-i kul further  opened up religious discussion and discourse among men of different faiths.37 The policy was  rooted into multi-religious set up but it certainly had undertones of patriotism for ‘Hindostan’ which had become an essential feature of kingship as well as the state.38

Akbar further devised the imperial discipleship into the formal system of Din-i ilahi, Divine faith.  While aspects of the system are studied extensively by scholars, recent work by S.A.A. Rizvi has  highlighted the gaps in the previous research. The term Divine Faith was misapplied by Blochman  when he translated Akbarnama.39 What was formerly interpreted as a newer form of ideological  belief was more of imperial discipleship rooting for political stability. 

Moin argues that all the disciples were advised to salute each other in the following manner: one  says “Allahu Akbar” and the other responds “Jalla Jalaluhu.” Both the salutations were in praise  of Allah but they had Akbar’s name in them. Thus, literally, it would mean “God is Great” and  “May His Glory be Glorious” but a few scholars have interpreted it as “Akbar is God” and “May  His Glory be Glorious”.40 Abu’l Fazl says that it was intended to remind men to ‘think about the  origin of their existence and to keep the deity in remembrance’.41 

The disciples were inducted by Akbar himself at an initiation ceremony. They were asked to swear  to four devotion, willingness to sacrifice one’s life (jān), property (māl), religion (dn) and honour  (namūs) in service of the master, Akbar. And later perform prostration (sijdah) to the master. A  new turban and symbolic representation of the sun, and a tiny portrait of Akbar were also given. It  was all a way to unify the new Mughal elite around the padshah.42 It was a way to tie down the  ever divisive and multi-cultural and religious elite sections to the king who had reached the highest  degree of purity and knowledge. 

Abu’l Fazl was certainly aware that the image he was creating for Akbar and that it would be  critically analysed by the people in coming ages. He tried to create a legacy that embraced the  multiplicities in the social spheres. Akbar used this legacy to rule the state by inventing newer  ideas of imperial ideology shaped by the cusp of religion as well as culture. Few of these inventions  were carried on by the later Mughal emperors under the banner of symbols and metaphors of  imperial authority while a few were discontinued with the death of Akbar. As Hardy says, Mughal  Kingship under the reign of Akbar had something of the insan-kamil for sufi minded, illumined by  divine light for ishraqi minded, something of the esoteric teacher for the shi’i-minded and much  of open-minded for the non-Muslim.43

Bibliography: 

• Asher, Catherine B., A Ray from the Sun: Mughal Ideology and the Visual Construction  of the Divine, in The Presence of light, Divine Radiance and Religious Experience eds.  Matthew T. Kapstein, University of Chicago press, 2004 

• Franke, Heike, Emperors of Ṣūrat and Maʿnī: Jahangir and Shah Jahan as Temporal and  Spiritual Rulers, Muqaranas, Vol. 31, Issue 1, Brill, 2014 

• Habib, Irfan, A Political Theory for the Mughal Empire - A Study of the Ideas of Abu'l  Fazl, Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, Vol. 59, 1998 

• Hardy, Peter, “Abu’l Fazl’s Portrait of the Perfect Padshah: A Political Philosophy for  Mughal India – or a Personal Puff for a Pal?” In Islam in India: Studies and Commentaries,  2 vols., eds. Christian W. Troll, 2: 114-37. New Delhi: Vikas, 1985 

• Khan, Iqtidar Alam, Akbar’s Personality Traits and World Outlook: A Critical Reappraisal,  Social Scientist, Vol. 20, No. 9/10, Sep. 1992 

• Koch, Ebba, The Mughal Emperor As Solomon, Majnun, and Orpheus, or the Album as a  Think Tank for Allegory, Muqarnas Vol. 27, Brill, 2010 

• Lowry, Glenn D., Humayun’s Tomb: Form, Function, and Meaning in Early Mughal  Architecture, Muqarnas, Vol. 4, Brill, 1987 

• Moin, A. Afzar, The Millenial Sovereign, Sacred Kingship and Sainthood in Islam,  Columbia University Press, 2012 

• Richards, John F., The Formation of Imperial Authority under Akbar and Jahangir, in  Kingship and Authority in South Asia, eds. J.F. Richards, Oxford University Press, 1998  • Richards, John F., The New Cambridge History of India, The Mughal Empire, Cambridge  University Press, 1995 

• Rizvi, Saiyid Athar Abbas, Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar’s  Reign with special reference to Abu’l Fazl, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 1975

Notes

1 Catherine B. Asher, A Ray from the Sun: Mughal Ideology and the Visual Construction of the Divine, in The  Presence of light, Divine Radiance and Religious Experience eds. Matthew T. Kapstein, University of Chicago press,  2004, p.169 

2 Ibid. p.170

3 Ibid. p.170 

4 John F. Richards, The Formation of Imperial Authority under Akbar and Jahangir, in Kingship and Authority in  South Asia, eds. J.F. Richards, Oxford University Press, 1998, p.292 

5 Ibid. p.298 

6 Heike Franke, Emperors of Ṣūrat and Maʿnī: Jahangir and Shah Jahan as Temporal and Spiritual Rulers,  Muqaranas, Vol. 31, Issue 1, Brill, 2014, p.131 

7 Catherine B. Asher, 2004, p.171 

8 Peter Hardy, "Abu’l Fazl's Portrait of the Perfect Padshah: A Political Philosophy for Mughal India – or a Personal  Puff for a Pal?" In Islam in India: Studies and Commentaries, 2 vols., eds. Christian W. Troll, 2: 114-37. New Delhi:  Vikas, 1985, p.119 

9 Ibid. p.120

10 Catherine B. Asher, 2004, p.179 

11 Ibid. p.177 

12 Audrey Truschke, Translating the Solar Cosmology of Sacred Kingship, The Medieval History Journal, Vol.19, 1,  Sage Publications, 2016, p.137 

13 Ibid. p.138 

14 Ibid. p.139 

15 Ibid. p.140 

16 John F. Richards, 1998, p.291

17 John F. Richards, The New Cambridge History of India, The Mughal Empire, Cambridge University Press, 1995,  p.30 

18 Catherine B. Asher, 2004, p.168 

19 Ibid. p.167 

20 John F. Richards, 1998, p.292 

21 Glenn D. Lowry, Humayun's Tomb: Form, Function, and Meaning in Early Mughal Architecture, Muqarnas, Vol. 4,  Brill, 1987, p.135 

22 Catherine B. Asher, 2004, p.168 

23 John F. Richards, 1998, p.289 

24 Ibid. p.290

25 Catherine B. Asher, 2004, p.186 

26 Ebba Koch, The Mughal Emperor As Solomon, Majnun, and Orpheus, or the Album as a Think Tank for Allegory,  Muqarnas Vol. 27, Brill, 2010, p.278 

27 John F. Richards, 1998, p.299 

28 A. Afzar Moin, The Millenial Sovereign, Sacred Kingship and Sainthood in Islam, Columbia University Press, 2012,  p.181 

29 Iqtidar Alam Khan, Akbar's Personality Traits and World Outlook: A Critical Reappraisal, Social Scientist, Vol. 20,  No. 9/10, Sep. 1992, p.22 

30 Ibid. p.23 

31 Ibid. p.24

32 Ibid. p.25 

33 Irfan Habib, A Political Theory for the Mughal Empire - A Study of the Ideas of Abu'l Fazl, Proceedings of the  Indian History Congress, Vol. 59, 1998, p.335 

34 Ibid. p.336 

35 John F. Richards, 1998, p.288

36 A. Afzar Moin, 2012, pp.180-82

37 Irfan Habib, 1998, p.334 

38 Ibid. p.335 

39 John F. Richards, 1998, p.306 

40 A. Afzar Moin, 2012, p.156 

41 Saiyid Athar Abbas Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar's Reign with special reference  to Abu'l Fazl, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 1975, p.401

42 Ibid. p.398 

43 Peter Hardy, 1985, p. 136

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