This article contains : Consolidation of Power Early Campaigns, New Regulations, Measures against the Hindus, Mongol Invasion and Market Regulations, Expedition to Devagiri, Expedition to Rājputāna, Expedition to Warangal, First Expedition to South India, Last days of ‘Ala-ud-din, Second Expedition to Devagiri
1. Consolidation of Power
The severed head of Jalal-ud-din Firuz Shah was yet dripping with blood, when the royal canopy was raised over the head of 'Ala-ud-din, and he was proclaimed king. The head of the murder- ed Sultan was placed on a spear and paraded through Kara and Manikpur and then through Awadh. The new king rewarded his followers with titles and promotions. Almas Beg obtained the title of Ulugh Khan; Hizabr-ud-din, Zafar Khan; Malik Sanjar, Alp Khan; and Malik Nusrat, Nusrat Khän; while others were promoted to higher ranks. Bul Delhi was still in the hands of Firuz Shah's men and 'Alā-ud-dīn hesitated to march on the capital during the rains against Arkali Khan who was an able general. The rashness of Firuz Shah's widow, however, favoured his cause. She hastened to proclaim her youngest son Qadr Khan as king under the title Rukn-ud-din Ibrāhīm, setting aside the claim of the elder son Arkalı Khan who was at Multan. Consequently Arkali Khān became com- pletely alienated from his mother, and his partisans refused to recognize her nominee. These divisions in Firuz Shah's family offered 'Ala-ud-din the opportunity to march on Delhi, and he advanced 'with iron in one hand and gold in the other'. The gold of Devagiri, which he now lavishly distributed, enabled him to gather a large army exceeding 60,000 horse and 60,000 foot. During the height of the rainy season ‘Alā-ud-din marched by way of Badaun and Baran, where he was joined by some of the prominent Jalāli nobles who had been sent by the queen-mother to oppose him. The infection spread to Delhi as well, where many of the nobility aban- doned the cause of Rukn-ud-din in favour of his powerful cousin. As 'Ala-ud-din approached Delhi, the boy king came out to offer resistance; but as the entire left wing of his army deserted to the enemy, he with his mother, led by the loyal Ahmad Chap, left for Multan. 'Alä-ud-din then made his triumphal entry into the capital on October 22, 1296,6 and took up his residence in the Red Palace of Balban, where he was formally enthroned. By lavish distribu- tion of wealth he gained, rather purchased, the loyalty of all sec- tions of people.
'Alā-ud-din
lost no time in sending Ulugh Khan and Zafar Khan to Multan against his
cousins, the sons of the late king. At the head of a force between 30,000 and
40,000 they besieged Multan and compelled Arkali Khan and Rukn-ud-din Ibrahim
to surrender. They were taken captive, and near Hansi they, with their brother-in-law
Ulghũ Khan and Ahmad Chap, were blinded by the express order of 'Ala-ud-din.
Later on, the two brothers were put to death, while their mother was kept under
close custody at Delhi.
Nusrat
Khan was now appointed minister (wazir), but as he became unpopular he was
transferred to Karā, while his lieutenant at Karā, ‘Alā-ul-mulk, was appointed
to the position of kotwal of Delhi. Shortly after 'Ala-ud-din's accession, a
horde of 100,000 Mongols led by Kadar invaded the Punjab and advanced as far as
the environs of Lahore. Ulugh Khan and Zafar Khan defeated them near Jalandhar
and drove them back with great slaughter (February 7, 1298).
The
victory enhanced the prestige of 'Ala-ud-din, who now meted drastic punishments
to those nobles, whose loyalty he had recently purchased by bribes, as he
considered them too fickle. Some were put to death; some were blinded; some
imprisoned for life; and the property of all was confiscated. Thus the master
traitor punished all those who were guilty of infidelity.
2.
Early Campaigns
In
the latter half of 1298,7 'Alä-ud-din sent an expedition under Ulugh Khan and
Nusrat Khan to Gujarat whose wealth and flourish- ing ports attracted his
attention. Ulugh Khan invaded Jaisalmer during his march and, after he joined
Nusrat Khan, the two generals made an unsuccessful raid on Chitor. They invaded
Gujarat and took its capital Anhilwara. The Vaghela king Karņa (Rai Karan of
the Muslim chronicles) offered some resistance near Ahmadābād but being
defeated by Ulugh Khan, took to flight. His queen Kamala Devi and his
treasures, however, fell into the hands of the invaders. Gujarāti sources,
including Merutunga's Vichāraśreṇī, a contemporary work, ascribe 'Alä-ud-din's
attack and Muslim success to the betrayal of Karna's minister Madhava. There
may be some truth in the story, though we cannot be quite definite about it.
The Muslim generals advanced as far as Surat and then marched into Saurashtra,
where they captured the city of Somânatha. The famous temple of Somanätha was
plundered, and its idol, which had been set up after its sack by Mahmud of
Ghaznï, was sent to Delhi, where it was laid down for the faithful to tread
upon. Nusrat Khän plund- ered the rich port of Cambay and obtained an immense
booty. He also secured there the handsome young Hindu slave named Kāfür who was
known as Hazärdinarī as his master had originally bought him for one thousand
dinārs. According to Wassaf the invaders thoroughly sacked the country and
ruthlessly slaughtered its people.
After
establishing Muslim authority in Gujarat, the victorious generals set out for
the capital, but on the way troubles broke out near Jālor over the distribution
of the plunder. The soldiers were subjected to brutal torture to extort
confession, and they, mostly Tow Muslims', revolted and killed Nusrat Khan's
brother and a nephew of the King. Nusrat Khan and Ulugh Khan were, however,
equal to the occasion. They rallied the loyal soldiers by beat of drums,
defeated the icbels and pursued them with great slaughter. The chief
conspirators escaped to the court of the IIindu chieftams, but 'Ala-ud-din
punished them by imprisoning their wives and children Even this did not allay
the wrath of Nusrat Khän, who delivered the wives of his brother's murderers to
the scavengers of Delhi; while their children were cut to pieces in their
mothers' presence This wanton brutality is condemned with righteous indignation
by the contemporary chronicler Barani.
In
the same year that he sent Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan to conquer Gujarat,
'Ala-ud-din had to despatch Zafar Khan against the Mongols, who had invaded
India under Saldi and captured Schwan (Siwastāno). Zafar Khan invested the
fortress and, having recovered it, returned to Delhi with a large number of
prisoners including Saldi and his brother. This easy and brilliant achievement
of Zafar Khan made him a hero, but bred jealous apprehension of the King as
well as Ulugh Khan, whose victories in Multan and Gujarat he had eclipsed.
'Ala-ud-din's
ambition now knew no bounds. He conceived the idea of founding a new religion
and imagined that like the Prophet of Islam who had four companions, namely Abu
Bakr, 'Umar, 'Usmän and 'Ali, he had four valiant and faithful generals: Ulugh
Khan, Zafar Khan, Nusrat Khan and Alp Khãn. He dreamed of world conquest and
assumed the title of Alexander the Second (Sikandar Sāni) on his coins as well
as in the public prayers. Although his courtiers realized the absurdity of his
extravagant plans, none dared speak out the truth. It was the kotwal of Delhi,
'Ala-ul-Mulk, who, on being consulted, at great personal risk, correctly
advised the King by pointing out that religion sprang from divine inspiration
and not from human intellect and wisdom: it was the function of prophets, not
of kings; and that world conquest would be inexpo- dient, when there were so
many kingdoms in India which remained unconquered, and while his kingdom was
facing the great menace of Mongol invasions. 'Ala-ul-Mulk's homily opened the
eyes of 'Alä-ud-din who not only confessed his errors, but amply rewarded the
kotwal and assured him that he would act accordingly.
The
soundness of the kotwal's advice was soon confirmed by a serious Mongol
invasion of India towards the end of 1299. A vast horde of 200,000 Mongols
under Qutlugh Khvāja, a descendant of Chingiz Khan, crossed the Sindhu and
marched to the vicinity of Delhi to invest the city and conquer the country.
People from the surrounding districts flocked to the capital in panic and
crowded its streets, markets and mosques. The situation became grave, as the
enemy blockaded the capital and threatened it with starvation 'Ala-ud-din
marched to Kili, north of the capital, and attacked the Mongols. Though
'Ala-ud-din repulsed the enemy's attack on the centre, it was Zafar Khan who
took the offensive; he charged the Mongol left vehemently and drove them back
with terrible slaughter, till he was surrounded and outnumbered by the enemy.
He lost his life fighting to the end, as he received no reinforcement either
from Ulugh Khan who commanded the left wing or from the King, both of whom were
jealous of the hero. Zafar Khan's valour struck terror into the enemy's heart
and the Mongols beat a hasty retreat the same night under the cover of
darkness. For 'Ala-ud-din it was a double victory: the defeat of the powerful
enemy and the death of a too powerful servant.
The
strong fortress of Ranthambhor, which had baffled Jalal- ud-din, now attracted
the attention of his ambitious nephew for two reasons: one was its strategical
importance as one of the strongest fortresses of Hindusthan and the other, the
asylum given to the Mongol rebels by its ruler Hamir Deva. 'Ala-ud-din
despatched Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan against the Chauhan prince, and in due
course the Khalji troops besieged the fort of Ranthambhor. Nusrat Khän was
fatally struck by a missile thrown by the garrison. The besiegers, disheartened
by this incident, were surprised by the Rajputs and forced to retreat.
'Ala-ud-din, therefore, marched in person towards Ranthambhor with a large
army. On the way at Tilpat, about twelve miles cast of Delhi, an attempt was
made by his nephew Äkat Khän to murder him, but the plan failed.
'Ala-ud-din
now marched on to Ranthambhor, which Ulugh Khän had meanwhile besieged again.
During the progress of the siege the King received report that his sister's
sons, 'Umar Khan, governor of Badaun, and Mangu Khan, governor of Awadh, had
re- volted. They were, however, soon captured and sont to Rantham- bhor, where
their eyes were gouged out in the presence of the King, and their families and
followers were put to death.
Close
on the heels of the abortive revolt of his nephews came the report of a serious
insurrection at Delhi (May, 1301), led by an old officer named Haji Maula. He
killed the kotwal of Delhi, plundered the treasury, and raised to the throne a
Sayyid popularly known as Shāhinshah, who was descended through his mother from
Iltutmish. 'Ala-ud-din, who received the report of this outbreak three days
later, despatched Malik Hamid-ud-din, entitled Amir-i- Kul, to Delhi.
Hamid-ud-din was able to defeat the rebels and put Haji Maulā as well as the
puppet king to death.
'Alä-ud-din
now carried on the siege of Ranthambhor with great vigour and infused fresh
morale into his troops, who had begun to Ulti- despair of success before the
impregnable walls of the fort. mately, shortage of provisions led to famine,
which put the garrison to extreme hardship. Hamir Deva sent his minister Ranmal
to 'Ala-ud-din to negotiate peace, but he deserted to the invaders along with
his followers. As there was no hope, women performed jauhar; Hamir Deva with
his Rajputs died fighting; and the fort capitulated on July 11, 1301. 'Ala-ud-din
put to death Ranmal and other Raj- puts who had joined him and had proved
faithless to their master.
3.
New Regulations
The
series of revolts, referred to above, convinced 'Ala-ud-din that there was
something amiss in the existing state of things. Al- ready, while he was
engaged in the siege of Ranthambhor, he had consulted the prominent
counsellors, and after careful deliberations he had come to the conclusion that
four factors were responsible for the disease in the body politic. Firstly, the
King was negligent and ignorant of the condition of people. Secondly, drinking
led to convivial gatherings, which were the most fruitful breeding grounds of
conspiracies. Thirdly, intermarriage and frequent dis- course among the nobles
made them a compact body dangerous to the State. Fourthly, wealth gave the
people both power and leisure for evil thoughts and rebellions." After
returning to Delhi, ‘Alä- ud-din took active remedial measures so that such
rebellions might not recur in future. By a stroke of his pen he revoked all
grants and pensions and resumed all lands, which were held as milk (pro-
prietory rights), inam (gifts), idrārät (pensions) and waqf (pious endowments),
all of which were almost exclusively held by Muslims. 10 State officials were
instructed to extort money from the people with extreme sternness and,
according to the contemporary chronicler, the instructions were so faithfully
carried out that, ex- cepting the big nobles and the officers of the State or
wealthy mer- chants and bankers, no one possessed gold. The result was that
people had to remain so busy about earning their livelihood that they had
hardly any time to think of rebellion. The second mea- sure that 'Ala-ud-din
adopted was to establish a network of espionage, by which he kept himself
informed of the doings of the nobles and all occurrences of importance to the
State. Even the activities of the people in the market place were reported to
the king; and so efficient was the intelligence service that the nobles did
hardly dare to speak among themselves in public. The third measure of 'Ala-
ud-din was prohibition. The sale and use of wine and intoxicating drugs were
strictly forbidden at Delhi; and drastic punishment was meted out to those who
were guilty of violation. 'Ala-ud-din himself set the example by abstaining
from drink, breaking all wine vessels, and emptying his cellar into the
streets. But in spite of the vigorous supervision of the Intelligence
Department and the brutal punishments given to the offenders, Delhi could not
be made absolutely dry. The King bowed to the reality and permitted the private
manufacture and use of drink. Drinking was, however, restrained as its public
sale and use were prohibited, and convivial parties were stopped. 'Ala-ud-din's
objective was political and not moral; and it was realized. The fourth measure
of the King prohi- bited all sorts of gatherings in the houses of nobility and
inter- marriage between members of the nobles without his special leave.
4.
Measures against the Hindus
'Ala-ud-din
next turned his attention to check the power and influence of the Hindu
officials named khut, chaudhri, and muqad- dam. 11
The first term, otherwise unknown, probably signified the class later known as zamindär, while the other two denoted, res- pectively, the headman of parganas and villages. These three classes of people were hereditary collectors of revenue on behalf of the King, and it was alleged that they appropriated to themselves as much of the State revenue as they could, evaded payment of taxes, and even ignored the Government. As the chronicler describes, they 'ride upon fine horses, wear fine clothes, shoot with Persian bows, make war upon each other, and go out hunting... and hold drinking and convivial parties'. 'Ala-ud-din sought to curb their powers by depriving them of all the special privileges which they enjoyed at the expense of the State. The standard of the revenue- demand was raised to one-half of the gross produce. The perqui- sites realized by the chiefs were abolished and all concessions with- drawn; they were to pay land-revenue at the full rate and their land was to be brought under assessment; and all discriminations were done away with between the chief and the humblest peasant (lchut and balähar). The land-revenue was to be assessed by the method of measurement on the basis of standard yields. Though the system did exist in India before the Muslim conquest, ‘Alā-ud- din was the first Muslim ruler who introduced it; and it certainly marked an advance upon the sharing system, which was then preva- lent. Besides, the King imposed two new taxes: a grazing-tax on all milch cattle and a house-tax. As a result of these legislations, the objectives of the king were realized, though it may be question- ed if the measures were economically sound. The motives of ‘Alā- ud-din were decidedly political. The high revenue-demand impoverished the peasants so much that the very somce of the revenue-collectors for extra profit was dried up, while the assess- ment of their land reduced them to the condition of peasants; and besides the loss of perquisites they had now to pay additional taxes. In a sense the regulations were favourable to the peasants, as the revenue-collectors had also to bear the burden along with them. If the contemporary chronicler is to be believed, these regulations were strictly enforced. The chiefs (khūts) and the headmen of parganas as well as villages-they were all Hindus--were so much impoverish- ed that no gold or silver was to be found in the houses of the Hindus; they could not afford to procure horses or weapons; and their wives had to serve for wages in the houses of the Muslims. "The people", we are told by Barani, "were brought to such a state of obedience that one revenue officer would string twelve khūts, muqaddams and chaudhris together by the neck and enforce pay- ment by blows." Great credit was due to the deputy minister of finance, Sharaf Qainī, and his officials for the efficient operation of these regulations; but they became so unpopular that no one would offer the hand of his daughter to a revenue officer. 12
Two
points should be noticed in connection with these regula- tions. They operated
mainly in the central portion of the kingdom, and the victims of these measures
were Hindus. It has been urged by some scholars 13 that "when 'Ala-ud-din
had not spared the Muslims or hesitated to deprive them of peculiar privileges,
there was no reason why he should have shown any favour to the Hindu
officials". There are, however, good grounds to believe that in dealing
with the Hindus, 'Ala-ud-din was also actuated by communal considerations. This
clearly follows from the prefatory remarks with which Barani introduces these
regulations. The following is a literal translation of the passage by Moreland:
"Sultan 'Alä-ud-din demanded from learned men rules and regulations, so
that the Hindu should be ground down, and property and possessions, which are
the cause of disaffection and rebellion, should not remain in his house" 14
Moreland
adds that the Hindu in the above passage refers to the upper classes and not
the peasants, 16 but this interpretation is at least doubtful. But whatever it
may mean Barani leaves no doubt that the measures were dictated as much by
political consi- derations as by hatred against the Hindus. Even on general
ground the attitude of the Sultan to the Hindus must be regarded as very
different from that adopted towards the Muslims. Some privileges were taken
away from the latter, but there was no question of deliberately reducing them,
as a class, to a state of grinding poverty and abject humiliation, which was
the lot of the Hindus as describ- ed above on the authority of Barani.16
This
view is fully confirmed by the statement of Qazi Mughīs- ud-din of Bayana whom
the King consulted as to the legality of these measures and certain other
questions. Mughis-ud-din whole- heartedly justified 'Ala-ud-din's rigorous
policy towards the Hindus and pointed out that Islamic law sanctioned sterner
principle, so much so that, "if the revenue collector spits into a Hindu's
mouth, the Hindu must open his mouth to receive it without hesitation."10a
The Qăzi, however, declared mutilation, torture and other barbarous punishments
prescribed by the king as un-Islamic and illegal; while he condemned
'Alā-ud-din's appropriation of the wealth of Devagiri and his huge expenditure
as unlawful, as the king had no unlimited rights upon the public treasury:
"all the krors of money and valu- ables which you take from the treasury
and bestow upon your women, you will have to answer for in the day of
account". 'Ala- ud-din, who got excited during the discussion, spoke not a
word to the Qazi and retired. As the Qāzī next day proceeded to the court from
home, he was prepared for death, and bade his family farewell. He received a
pleasant shock, however, when he was kindly receiv- ed and presented with a
robe and a thousand tankās by the King, who appreciated his opinion. The King
said that he did not know what was lawful and unlawful, but followed what he
thought to be for the good of the State or suitable for the emergency. Here we
have ‘Alä-ud-din's conception of sovereignty, in which the State was to be
independent of the 'ulama'. As Barani says: 'When he became king, he came to
the conclusion that policy and government are one thing, and the rules and
decrees of law are another. Royal com- mands belong to the king, legal decrees
rest upon the judgment of qāzīs and muftis.' He was gratified to learn that his
treatment of the Hindus was in full accordance with Islamic law and assured the
Qazi that he had given orders that the Hindus shall not be allowed to possess
more than what is required for a bare subsistence.
5.
Expedition to Warangal and Chitor
Towards
the end of 1302 or in the beginning of the next year, 'Ala-ud-din sent an
expedition to Warangal under the command of Fakhr-ud-din Jauna17 and Chhajjü,
nephew of Nusrat Khan. The expedition which started from Kará took the eastern
route through Bengal and Orissa. The chroniclers are silent about the reason
why this unusual route was preferred to the easier and shorter one through
Ellichpur. It is quite possible, as K. S. Lal suggests, that ‘Alä-ud-din, who
was consolidating his position in Northern India, sent the expedition both
against Shams-ud-din Firuz of Bengal who had assumed the title of Sultan and
asserted independence, as well as against the kingdom of Telingana. The account
of the expedition, as given in the Muslim chronicles, is meagre. From the South
Indian Hindu sources it appears that the Muslim army penetrated into the heart
of Telingana and reached the vicinity of Warangal. The invaders were badly
defeated by the Telingana army and forced to beat a hasty retreat.18 The inglorious
end of the expedition possibly explains the indifference of the Muslim
chroniclers.
On
January 29, 1303, 'Ala-ud-din set out on his memorable campaign for the
conquest of Chitor. On arrival at Chitor, he surrounded the town and raised his
canopy on a hillock known as Chitori. He then besieged the fort with a strong
army, but receiv- ed strong resistance from the Rajputs under Rāņa Ratan Singh.
No impression was made on the fortress by the attacks of catapults and
ballistae, nor could it be scaled by ladders (päshib). The Raj- puts offered
heroic resistance for about seven months and then, after the women had perished
in the flames of jauhar, the fort surrendered on August 26, 1303. Thirty
thousand Rajputs were put to the sword. According to the Rajput sources Ratan
Singh was among the slain on the battlefield, 19 while Muslim chroniclers, Amir
Khusrav and 'Isāmi, state that the Rana of Chitor survived the battle and his
life was spared by the king. Ratan Singh, however, is heard of no more after the
fall of Chitor. 'Ala-ud-din remained at Chitor for some days, and during this
period many temples were destroyed and the population became victims of the
fury of his soldiery. He returned to Delhi, after having appointed Khizr Khan
to the government of Chitor. The Khaljis could not, however, long hold Chitor
in the face of constant and stubborn resistance of the Rajputs. Khizr Khan
abandoned it in 1311-12, and then Maladeva, brother of the chief of Jalor,
ruled it as a tributary to the king of Delhi. But during his son's rule, Hamir,
Rāņa of Sisodia, took possession of Chitor and the whole of Mewär (about A.D.
1325)20, as will be described later in Chapter XIII A.
The
episode of Padmini has received a great deal of prominence in connection with
'Ala-ud-din's conquest of Chitor. The bardic chronicles of Rajputana represent
the invasion of Chitor as solely due to the Sultan's desire to get possession
of Padmini, the beautiful queen of Rāņā Ratan Singh of Chitor, and they have
woven round it a long tale of romance, heroism and treachery, too well-known to
need any repetition. Later writers like, Abu-'l Fazl, Haji-ud-Dabir,. Firishta,
and Nensi have accepted the story, but many modern writers are inclined to
reject it altogether. They point out that the episode of Padmini is not
referred to by any contemporary writer, and is first mentioned by Malik
Muhammad Jäisi in A.D. 1540 in his Padma- vat, which is a romance rather than a
historical work; further, the later writers, mentioned above, who reproduce the
story with varying details, flourished long after the event and differ from one
another on essential points. On the other hand, Professor Habib believes that
there is a covert allusion to the Padmini episode by Amir Khusrav, a
contemporary, in his Khazain-ul-Futuh, when he mentions the Queen of Sheba
(Saba'). It has also been argued that the inva- sion of Chitor, one of the strongest
fortresses of Rājputäna, was the natural corollary to the expansionist policy
of ‘Ala-ud-dïn, and no Pad- mini was needed for his casus belli. As against
this it should be re- membered that 'Ala-ud-din's lust for a Hindu queen is
proved by the known instances of Queen Kamala Devi of Gujarat and the daughter
of King Ramachandra of Devagiri. It is to be remembered also, that Abu-'l Fazl
definitely says that he gives the story of Padmini from "ancient
chronicles", which cannot obviously refer to the Padmāvat, an almost
contemporary work. On the whole, it must be admitted that there is no inherent
impossibility in the kernel of the story of Padmini devoid of all
embellishments, and it should not be totally rejected off-hand as a myth. But
it is impossible, at the present state of our knowledge, to regard it
definitely as a historical fact.21
6.
Mongol Invasion and Market Regulations
The
Mongols were not slow to take advantage of 'Ala-ud-din's preoccupation in
Chitor and the despatch of his army to a distant campaign in Telingana. A large
Mongol horde of 120,000 horse under Targhi invaded India, made straight for
Delhi, and blockad- ed the city. 'Ala-ud-din, who had returned from Chitor
barely a month ago, could not face the enemy in an open battle.
He
was forced to retire to the fort of Siri, and built defence lines by dig ging
trenches, protected by wooden planks. The Mongols plunder- ed the environs of
Delhi and raided the very streets of the city.
Luckily
for the King, the invaders were ignorant of the art of siege warfare, and they
could not afford to remain for long away from Central Asia. Consequently, to
the great relief of 'Alā-ud-din, they suddenly retreated after a stay of two
months.
The
invasion of 1303 awakened 'Ala-ud-din to the urgent neces- sity of frontier
defence, a task which he had hitherto neglected. The existing forts and
outposts on the route of the invaders were repaired and new ones constructed;
and all were strongly garrisoned with well-equipped soldiers. A large army was
raised which was to be stationed at the capital and paid in cash from the royal
trea- sury. The army was also reorganized. A descriptive roll of every soldier
was kept in the war ministry and 'Ala-ud-din introduced the system of the branding
of horses at the review, which stopped the malpractice of presenting the horse
twice or replacing it by a worse one. The maintenance of a huge and efficient
standing army, esti- mated by Wassaf at 475,000 horse, necessitated greater
finance than the resources of the State would permit, but no increase in the
revenue by fresh taxation was possible, as the people had already been taxed to
the utmost. 'Ala-ud-din, therefore, could not afford to pay his soldiers high
salaries. He decided to solve this problem by lowering the price of all
essential commodities, so that a soldier could maintain comfortable standard on
a low salary. The army organizer thus turned to be 'a daring political
economist'. He fixed the prices of all food grains, all varieties of cloth
including silk, horses, cattle, slaves, bread, vegetables, shoes, etc., in
fact, all necessary articles. He controlled supplies as well as transport and
compelled the merchants to bring grains, cloth, etc. to Delhi market and sell
them at scheduled rates on profit sanctioned by the State. All merchants, who
traded with Delhi, were required to register themselves in the office of the
inspector-general of the markets. The peasants of the Doab region and the
country to a distance of two hundred miles from Delhi were ordered to sell
grains to re- gistered merchants at the fixed rate. The merchants dealing in
cloths had to procure manufactured goods from places beyond 'Alä- ud-din's
control, where the prices were higher, but they had to sell them at Delhi at the
fixed rate and the King allowed them a margin of profit; this must have caused
a considerable loss to the treasury. To guard against scarcity and famine,
grains and cloth were stocked in stores established for the purpose and
rationing was introduced when necessity arose. Hoarding and regrating were
strictly for- bidden. These regulations were enforced by means of a highly
orga- nized intelligence service and by drastic punishment for evasions. Bold
and original in conception, the new economic policy of ‘Ală-ud- din evokes our
admiration; but its defects and shortcomings should not be overlooked or
minimised. The control of price and rationing obtained in and near Delhi only,
and the regulations adversely affect- ed both the trade as well as agriculture.
The narrow margin allowed to the merchant offered him no incentive: his wife
and children had to be kept as hostages at the capital to force him to bring
regular supplies to Delhi market. The peasant, who paid one-half of the produce
in land-revenue, had to sell his grains at the scheduled rate, while he had to
purchase his essential commodities at high prices obtaining outside Delhi. The
capital was fed, while the country at large was bled: so large a quantity of
grain was stocked at Delhi that Ibn Batutah, who arrived there in A.D. 1334,
consumed the rice stored by 'Ala-ud-din. Only the army and, incidentally, the
popu- lation of Delhi benefited by these regulations. Judged by the ob- jective
which inspired them, they proved highly successful. Opposed as they were to
economic laws, they died with their author.
7.
Malwa and the Mongols
Having
thus adequately provided both for defence and offence, 'Ala-ud-din despatched
in 1305 a select army of 10,000 troops under 'Ain-ul-Mulk, governor of Multan,
for the subjugation of Mälwa. 'Ain-ul-Mulk inflicted a crushing defeat on the
Malwa army led by Rājā Mahlak Deva and Koka Pradhāna, 22 who was slain. The
Muslim army besieged the fort of Mändü. Treachery revealed a secret passage to
the besiegers, who surprised the garrison at night and took possession of the
fort (November 24, 1305). Mahlak Deva fled but was caught and slain. After the
fall of Mändū, Ujjain, Dhār, and Chanderi were reduced and 'Ain-ul-Mulk was
appointed the governor of Malwa.
The
same year 'Ala-ud-din had to face a formidable invasion of some 50,000 Mongols
under 'Ali Beg, a descendant of Chingiz Khān, and Tarlaq, who were joined by
Targhi, the leader of the last campaign. They crossed the Sindhu and, avoiding
the frontier garrisons as well as Delhi, which was now strongly guarded, march-
ed directly on the Doab and Awadh, plundering, burning and mas sacring on the
way. The King sent Malik Nayak,23 master of the horse, with an army of some
40,000 horse against the enemy. Malik Näyak met the Mongols near Amroha, and in
the battle that ensued the invaders were severely defeated (December 31, 1305).
Many of the Mongols were put to the sword, and 'Ali Beg and Tartãq were
captured and brought to Delhi along with a large number of prisoners. Targhi
had already been slain before the Mongols pene- trated into the Doab. The
prisoners were beheaded and their heads were built into the towers of the fort
of Siri. The leaders met with the same fate, though according to another
version, they were par- doned but put to death some time after.
Next
year (1306) the Mongols invaded India with a view to avenging the deaths of
'Ali Beg and Tartaq. The invasion took the form of a two-pronged campaign: one
army under Kabak crossed the Sindhu and, through Multan, advanced to the Ravi;
while the other, led by Iqbal and Tãi Bu, marched southwards towards Nagaur.
*Alä-ud-din appointed Malik Näib Käfür, assisted by Ghazi Malik Tughluq, to
deal with the Mongols. Malik Näib routed the forces of Kabak on the bank of the
Ravi, and captured him with a consi- derable number of Mongols, including women
and children, who were all sent to Delhi. Malik Naib then marched towards
Nagaur and suddenly fell upon the Mongol force under Iqbal and Tãi Bū. They
fled across the Sindhu, but were pursued and totally defeated, and, if Firishta
is to be believed, only three or four thousand out of fifty or sixty thousand
Mongols could escape. With this huge body of prisoners Malik Naib made his
triumphant return to the capital. The prisoners were trampled to death under
the feet of elephants and their heads were built into a tower in front of the
Badaun gate, traces of which were still visible when Firishta com- pleted his
work early in the seventeenth century. Their women and children were sold as
slaves at Delhi and other places of Hindusthän.24
The
campaign under Kabak in A.D. 1306 was the last Mongol invasion during
'Ala-ud-din's reign. Duwa Khãn, the Khan of Transoxiana (1274-1306), who had
sent successive hordes of Mongol invaders to India, died towards the end of
1306. His death was followed by a period of confusion, and three Khāns occupied
the throne one after another within the brief space of three years. This
undoubtedly accounts for the cessation of the Mongol incursions after A.D.
1306. 'Ala-ud-dîn's warden of the marches at Dipalpur, Ghāzi Malik, took full
advantage of the internal troubles of the Mongols by harassing them and making
annual raids into their frontiers as far as Kabul and Ghazni.
8.
Expedition to Devagiri
The
relief from Mongol irruptions and the comparative peace established in the
north enabled 'Ala-ud-din to turn to the south. The gold of South India had
raised him to the throne of Delhi aud he sought to maintain it with the same.
What he aspired to in the south was not annexation of new territory, but huge
tribute from the Hindu kings with a mere acknowledgment of his overlordship.
This is evident from the instructions he gave to Malik Näib, when he was sent
on an expedition to Warangal.
Ramachandra
of Devagiri had failed to pay tribute for several years. According to another
version it was his son Singhana who had withheld the tribute, and Ramachandra
not only dissociated himself from his son's action, but informed the Sultan
accordingly.25 This might have been a diplomatic stroke on the part of the
Yadava King to secure lenient treatment from 'Ala-ud-din, in case the Deva-
giri troops were defeated. In any event, non-payment of tribute was a just
ground for invasion.
'Alä-ud-din
appointed Malik Naib Käfür to lead the expedition to Devagiri with Khvāja Hājī
as second in command; 'Ain-ul-Mulk, governor of Malwa, and Alp Khan, governor
of Gujarat, were to collaborate with him along with their forces (1307).20 With
this expedition its leader begins to play an important role in the affairs of
the Statc, so much so that from now onwards till his death the history of the
Sultanate of Delhi is in reality the biography of Malik Näib Käfür.
Malik
Naib marched southwards, and being joined by 'Ain- ul-Mulk and Alp Khan,
reached Devagiri without any opposition, and defeated the Yadava forces (March
1307). Malik Naib sacked the city, took much valuable booty in clephants and
treasures, and carried Ramachandra with his family and relations to Delhi.
Rama- chandra paid homage to 'Ala-ud-din, and was kindly received. After a stay
of six months at Delhi, he was permitted to return to his capital with the
title of Rai-i-Rāyān and the addition of Navsālī to his kingdom. The generous
treatment of the Yadava king was a master stroke of diplomacy. Not only
Ramachandra remained loyal to the Sultan, but rendered great service to his
general Malik Näib during his southern campaigns. Indeed, Devagiri served as the
base for Khalji military operations in the Deccan and the Far South,
This
expedition to Devagiri is somewhat inextricably mixed up with the last phase of
the Hindu rule in Gujarāt. The Vāghelā king Karna, after his defeat at the
hands of Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khăn, mentioned above, seems to have recaptured
Gujarāt, and a second expedition was necessary for the final conquest of
Gujarat.27 The fate or subsequent history of Karna is not definitely known. But
where history fails, romance often takes its place. So it has been the case
with Karna. The famous poet Amir Khusrav has immortalised the love of Devala
Devi, the daughter of Karna, and Khizr Khan, the son of ‘Alä-ud-din, in a
poetical work called the 'Ashiqa, and woven a romantic story round this theme.
This has since passed current as history, mainly through its acceptance by
Firishta; it may be summed up as follows:-
The
Vaghela king Karna, after his flight from Gujarät, found refuge in the court of
King Ramachandra of Devagiri, and ruled over a small principality in Baglana,
as his vassal. This formed an additional ground for sending the punitive
expedition under Malik Naib Kāfür against Rāmachandra. When this expedition was
being sent, Kamalā Devi, the ex-queen of Karna, and now a favourite wife of
'Ala-ud-din, requested the Sultan to take this opportunity of getting hold of
her daughter Devala Devi, who was an infant of four years when she left her and
was now living with her father. Accordingly Malik Naib Kafür was directed to
secure possession of Devala Devi and send her to the court, When Kâfür crossed
Malwa he intimated to Karna the order oi the Sultan. According to Khusrav,
Karna readily agreed to do so. and was preparing to send his daughter to
'Ala-ud-din, when he suddenly took fright and fled away with her. But even
Finishta could not swallow this, and so he gives a different account. Accord-
ing to his version, Kāfūr's demand for Devala Devi was rejected by Karna and
then hostilities were commenced against him. Käfür encamped for two months at
Sultanpur, but could not produce any impression upon Karna. Thereupon Malik
Naib entrusted Alp Khän with the task of capturing the princess, and himself
marched to- wards Devagiri. For two months Karna held against Alp Khân.
Singhana, the crown prince of Devagiri, had asked for the hand of Karna's
daughter in marriage, but the Vaghela king, out of his Rajput pride, had
declined it, though he was then under the gener- ous protection of Singhana's
father; but now in the face of grave Mus- lim peril he agreed. The princess was
being escorted to Devagiri by Singhana's brother, when accidentally she fell
into the hands of a batch of Alp Khan's soldiers, who were out on sight-secing
near the Ellora caves. The precious victim was sent to Delhi by the lucky
general, who had already infiicted a severe defeat on Karna and forced him to
flee towards Devagiri.28
This
is, in brief, the account handed down by ancient histo- rians and generally
accepted now as true. There are, however, good grounds to doubt the
authenticity of the whole story, which is solely based on Khusrav's poetical
work, the 'Ashiqa. Several scholars have challenged its historical character29
and we need not discuss the question in detail here. But a few important points
may be noted. According to 'Isāmi, Karna was denied asylum by Ramachandra of
Devagiri, and had to go to Tiling. This, if true, takes away the whole basis of
the story. Then, it is very difficult to believe that a Hindu queen would
willingly bring over her daughter from her father's protection to share the
life of shame, ignominy and dis- grace which a cruel fate had thrust upon her.
It is equally difficult to believe that Karna would, even for a moment,
entertain such a proposal as stated by Khusrav, the originator of the whole
story. It is not necessary to hold, with some of the critics, that Devala Devi
was a myth. She might have been a real person who fell into the hands of the
Muslims like her mother. We may even believe that she was married to Khizr Khan.
But the whole of the romantic episode of love between Khizr Khan and Devala
Devi seems to be a mere poetical fancy. If we are to believe in Firishta's
stateinent, that she was only four years old when her mother was captured, she
could not have been a gul of more than fourteen or fifteen when Khizr Khan fell
madly in love with her and she reciprocated it. The subsequent tragic history
of Devala Devi, as narrated by some authorities, also belongs to the domain of
legends rather than sober history.30
9.
Expedition to Rājputāna
The
powerful chief of Siwana, Sital Deva, refused to submit to the authority of
Delhi, and the Khalji troops had been investing the fort for five or six years
without any success. So, in 1308,01 'Alä-ud-din marched against Siwana, and
pressed the siege with greater vigour. For months the Rajputs bravely defended
the fort against heavy attacks of catapults and other siege engines, but they
were defeated by the Khalji troops, who succeeded in escalading the fort. Sital
Deva was slain, while attempting flight to Jalor (November 11, 1308). The King
returned to Delhi, after having appointed Kamal-ud-din Gurg to the government
of Siwāna. 'Ală- ud-din's military activities in Rajputäna were completed by
the subjugation of Jalor, which lies some fifty miles south-east of Siwäna.3
The conquest of Jälor did not prove to be an easy task as ils ruler Kanhar Deva
(Krishnadeva) offered a strong resistance to the Muslims who besieged the fort,
and inflicted reverses on them. It was not until the arrival of Kamal-ud-din
Gurg, whom the King despatched with fresh reinforcement, that the tide turned
in favour of the besiegers. Kanhar Deva was killed in action and the fortress
capitulated. With the fall of Jalor, 'Ala-ud-din's activities in Rāj- putāna
came to an end, as the more prominent Rajput States had already been brought
under the authority of Delhi. According to an inscription of A.D. 1301, Jodhpur
had submitted to Delhi,323 though there is no mention of it in the chronicles.
According to Tod, Bundi, Mandor and Tonk had been overrun by the Khalji troops.
10.
Expedition to Warangal
The
success of the Devagiri campaign encouraged 'Ala-ud-din to send an expedition
to Warangal, particularly as the failure of his early invasion of 1303 required
the vindication of the prestige of his arms. On November 1, 1309, Malik Näib
marched from Delhi and towards the end of December reached Devagiri, whose king
Ramachandra offered him all sorts of help and "was as dutiful as any raiyat
of Delhi". He even sent 'a force of Marhattas, both of horse and foot', in
aid of the Muslim force,33 Malik Näib entered the kingdom of Telingana by way
of Basiragarh (Bairagarh), and invested the fort of Sirbar (Sirpur). In spite
of valiant resistance the garrison could not resist the attack; as usual women
and children perished in the flames of jauhar, while the men were killed in ac-
tion. Malik Naib left the fort in charge of the surviving brother of the
commandant on promise of obedience to the King and hasten- ed towards the
capital. On reaching the vicinity of Warangal, he established himself on the
hill of Hanumankonda, commanding the city, and besieged the fort on January 19,
1310. Prataparudra, who was reputed to have an army of 900,000 archers334 and
20,000 horse, took necessary steps to defend the fort against the besiegers,
whose number was a hundred thousand. The fort of Warangal was made of stone and
surrounded by a strong earthen wall and two deep moats, one protecting the
outer wall and the other the inner fort. A night attack of the Hindus upon the
besiegers, early in the course of the siege, proved abortive, and could not
affect their operations, After strenuous efforts they were able to fill up the
moat and made a wide breach in the wall; and in the middle of February they
car- ried the outer line of defence by storm. After crossing the second ditch,
they besieged the inner fort of stone. Prataparudra offered resistance for a
considerable time. By adopting scorched carth policy he had laid waste the
enemy's route and cut off their postal system; so that for a month and a half
Delhi received no news of Malik Naib. The garrison, however, was put to much
hardship on account of overcrowding in the inner fort, and Prataparudra opened
negotiations for peace. He sent his own image in gold with a golden chain round
the neck to symbolise his surrender and a treaty was concluded. He gave 100
elephants, 7,000 horses, and all his accumulated treasures, and promised to pay
an annual tribute. Among the jewels delivered was one 'unparalleled in the
whole world,' as Amir Khusrav calls it, and this was possibly the Koh-i-Nur or
Babur's diamond which, according to Khafi Khan and other later chroniclers,
Malik Kafür brought from the Deccan.34 On March 20, 1310, Malik Näib set out on
his return journey with treasures too heavy for a thousand camels to bear, and
on June 11 reached Delhi, where thirteen days later he was given a special
reception by the King in honour of his splendid success.
11.
First Expedition to South India
At
Warangal Malik Näib had heard of the wealth of the king- dom of the Far South.
On November 19, 1310, he set out with a large army towards the kingdom of
Ma'bar, which lay at the extreme south of the peninsula. Not the propagation of
the true faith, as the Muslim chronicler states, but the greed of gold inspired
the expedition. After a journey of about two months and a half through Kaithun
(Kanhun in Rajputana) and Khargan (Khargāno in Nimär district) Malik Käfür
reached Devagiri on February 4, 1311, where the army halted for some days.
Rämachandra once more rendered him all possible help and deputed Parasurama
Deva, his officer on the south- ern frontier, to guide the Khalji troops in
their march on Dvārasa- mudra. For, apart fom his loyalty to the Sultan,
Ramachandra had no love lost for the Hoysala king Ballala III, who had
repeatedly encroached upon his territory. On reaching Bandri (possibly Bandir
in North Kanara district) on the Hoysala frontier, Malik Näib sent scouts to
gather information of the enemy. Ballala III was absent with his army in
Ma'bar, where a civil war between the two brothers Sundara Pandya and Vira
Pandya offered him an opportunity of recovering his ancestral possessions in
the Tamil country. Malik Näib, accordingly, made a rapid march with 10,000
chosen cavalry, and in twelve days appeared before Dvarasamudra (February 26,
1311). On learning of the Muslim invasion, Balläla hurried back to his capital
and, in the face of the grave peril, appealed for help to the very Pandya
princes, whose territory he had just invaded. Vira Pandya responded and sent an
army to his help. Balläla, how- ever, considering himself no match for the
invaders, decided to follow in the footsteps of Ramachandra and Prataparudra,
and, re- jecting the counsel of his nobles and generals, sued for peace. He
agreed to pay an annual tribute and surrendered all his wealth, elephants and
horses.
Malik
Näib did not remain long in Dvarasamudra, but on March 11 left for Ma'bar,
which was his main objective. The Pandya king- dom, known to Muslim writers as
Ma'bar, extended from Quilon to Nellore, about three hundred leagues along the
sea coast. Malik Naib requisitioned the services of Ballala to guide his troops
in the terra incognita. After five days' strenuous march through difficult
mountain route, the invaders reached the Ma'bar frontier. They crossed the
passes of Talmali and Tabar and marched towards Birdhul, the headquarters of
Vira Pandya.35 On account of the civil war between the two brothers, Sundara
Pandya and Vira Pandya, it was a house divided against itself when Malik Näib
ap- peared on the scene. But the Pandya princes, unlike other kings, did not
shut themselves in forts which might be easily captured. They avoided open
battle with the superior force of the invaders but frequently harassed the
enemy, and thus made the entire coun- try the theatre of military operations.
This strategy ultimately ex- hausted the invaders, and Malik Näib failed to
secure the submis- sion of the Pändya princes. Vira Pandya had left Birdhül
before it fell into Muslim hands, but about 20,000 Muslims in his service
deserted to the invaders. Malik Naib's operations were, however, hampered by
incessant rains, as the country was flooded. In spite of great hardship and
opposition of the Hindus, Malik Näib marched on towards Kundur (Kannanur) in
pursuit of the fugitive king. On the way he seized a squad of 120 elephants
carrying treasure, but when he took Kundür, after a severe fight, he could not find
Vira Pandya, who had escaped to impenetrable forests. Malik Näib was obliged,
after a short march, to give up the pursuit of the elusive prince and arrived
at Brahmastpuri (Barmatpuri of Amir Khusrav, modern Chidambaram),36 where the
people were mas- sacred, the golden temple was razed to the ground, and its
founda- tions were dug up. With rich plunder, including 250 elephants, he
returned on April 2, 1311 to Birdhul, where he sacked its temples
The
temple of Śrīrangam and other temples in the vicinity of Kannanur were also
sacked by Malik Näib. He then made a sudden descent upon Madura, the main
capital of the Pandyas, and the seat of Sundara Pandya, but the Pandya prince
had already fled with his treasures. Chagrined at finding nothing but two or
three elephants, he set fire to the temple of Sokkanätha. At this stage he
suffered a reverse at the hands of Sundara's uncle, Vikrama Pandya, who had
attacked him with a large force.37 Malik Naib, however, managed to keep the
vast booty he had captured, viz., 512 elephants, 5000 horses, and 500 maunds of
jewels, and broke his camp on April 25, 1311.
The
Muslim historians generally pass over the defeats suffered by 'Ala-ud-din's
army in the south, while Hindu sources refer to an unbroken series of Hindu
victories over the Muslim troops. There is, however, no doubt that Hindu
resistance against the Muslim invaders was very vehement, and the progress of
Muslim arms was not as easy as Amir Khusrav and other Muslim chroniclers would
have us believe.
The
question has been debated by scholars whether Malik Näib retraced his steps
from Madura towards Delhi, or advanced further south and raided Rämesvaram.
Firishta refers to the building of a mosque by him at Sit Band Ramesar, which
would obviously mean Setubandha Rameśvara or Rämesvaram in the district of
Madura on the island of Pamban; but this identification is negatived by
Firishta himself as he locates it on the coast of the Sea of 'Umän (the Arabian
Sea) in the vicinity of the port of Dvarasamudra. Some recent scholars have,
therefore, come to the conclusion that Malik Näib did not advance beyond Madura
and raid Rämesvaram. But it has been overlooked that while Firishta locates Sil
Band Ramesar on the coast of the Arabian Sea in his account of the reign of
'Ala-ud-din Khalji, he definitely places it in the farthest south, six hundred
kuroh or about twelve hundred miles from Vijaya- nagara, in his account of the
Bahmani king Mujahid Shah, and further states that Karnatak is in length from
north to south, from the Krishna to Sīt Band Rāmesar, six hundred kuroh. He
adds that Mujahid Shāh visited Sit Band Ramesar and repaired there a mosque
built by the officers of 'Ala-ud-din Khalji. So Firishta is contradic- tory in
his statement.38 In view of the short duration of his stay in Dvarasamudra,
Malik Naib's raid into the western coast and building a mosque there during the
invasion of 1311 appears to be highly improbable. Neither Barani nor 'Isami
refers to his raid of Rāmesvaram; nor is there any mention of it in the
Khazain-ul-Futūh. But in a later work, called the 'Ashiqa, Amir Khusrav hints
at the in vasion against Vira Pandya up to the coast of Ceylon. A raid from
Madura to Ramesvaram, which was not very far, was quite possible for the
powerful invader, who was master of speed and had marched a long way from Delhi
with admirable rapidity. Even if Malik Naib could not have found time to build
a mosque there in ‘Alā-ud-dīn's name, the possibility of a raid cannot be
altogether ruled out. Hājī-ud- Dabir, the senior contemporary of Firishla,
vaguely refers to this in an embellished form, when he speaks of Malik Naib's
march to Ceylon and demolishing a temple there. However, in the present state
of our knowledge it is not possible to come to a more definite conclusion.39
Judged
by the major objective which inspired it, the Ma'bar campaign was a brilliant
raid. Malik Naib sacked temples and ob- tained such a huge booty by draining
the resources of the country as had never before been brought to Delhi. But
though he burnt and destroyed temples, raided towns and cities, and harried the
country, possibly as far as Ramesvaram, he failed to secure the sub- mission of
the Pandya princes. The Ma'bar campaign was more spectacular than effective; it
had no real significance in the history of Islam's expansion in the south: it
was par excellence a predatory raid. Malik Naib returned to Delhi after a
journey of more than five months, and was received on October 19, 1311, with
special honour by the King in a durbar held in the Palace of the Thousand
Pillars at Siri. He had brought with him the son of his valued ally Ballala
III, who was kindly received by 'Alä-ud-din and sent back to his father.
12.
Last days of ‘Ala-ud-din
The triumphant return of Malik Näib Käfür from Ma'bar marks the climax of 'Ala-ud-din's reign. But at the same time one could detect behind his grandiose success sure premonitions of his decline. Arduous work, intemperate habits, and advanced years ruined his health and contributed to the rapid deterioration of his character and abilities. In early life he had taken the advice of able coun- sellors, but in old age he was surrounded by sycophants and flatter- ers and concentrated all power in his own hands. He became an autocrat and his word was law. The coolness and discretion of hus earlier days were replaced by a violent and suspicious temper. His failing health and declining abilities led to the weakening of his personal influence and consequent intrigue for power at the court. This reacted unfavourably on the administration and the empire, which revealed positive symptoms of decline. Ultimately, one man profited by these circumstances and made himself supreme. He was Käfür Hazārdīnāri, Malik Näib, the brilliant hero of the southern campaign.
The
Mongols, who had accepted Islām and settled in the coun- try, had caused not a
little trouble in the early years of 'Alä-ud-din's reign. They were the
mutineers in the army from Gujarat and were the main props of Äkat Khan's rebellion.
They were discont- ented on a variety of grounds. They were not appointed to
lucra- tive offices of the State, while the resumption of jägir lands and heavy
taxation reduced them to poverty. According to Firishta they were all dismissed
by 'Alä-ud-din from service. These mal- contents bitterly resented their lot
and hatched a plot to assassinate the King, as he was hawking in the vicinity
of Delhi. The plot was found out; 'Alā-ud-din in his fury ordered a massacre of
the 'New Muslims' en masse on an appointed day, and delivered their wives and
children as well as property to their executioners. Some twenty to thirty
thousand Mongols were put to death at his order, though the vast majority of
them were quite innocent of the plot.
Malik
Näib, the favourite and all-powerful lieutenant of the King, had his rivals in
Khizr Khan's mother, Malika-i-Jahan, and her brother, Alp Khan, governor of
Gujarat. The marriage of Khizr Khan, 'Ala-ud-din's eldest son, with the
daughter of Alp Khan on February 2, 1312, cemented the alliance, and the King's
declara- tion of Khizr Khan as the heir apparent the same year further in-
creased their influence. Meanwhile Prataparudra of Warangal had sent twenty
elephants and a letter to 'Alä-ud-dīn, asking him to appoint his agent at
Devagiri, to whom he might pay the annual tribute. At Devagiri the loyal
Ramachandra died in 1311 and was succeeded by Singhana II, who had always been
unfriendly to the king of Delhi and asserted independence. Malik Näib, who
found the atmosphere in the capital too hot for him on account of the predo-
minance of his rivals, prayed to the King to send him to the Deccan with a view
to collecting tribute from Warangal and reducing the obstinate Singhana to
obedience.
13.
Second Expedition to Devagiri
Malik
Naib, accordingly, marched to Devagiri in 1313 and de- feated Singhana II in a
severe battle. Singhana was slain and Malik Naib took possession of his
kingdom. Henceforth the Yadava king- dom formed part of the Sultanate of Delhi.
From his headquarters at Devagiri, Malik Naib carried raids into the
territories of Telingana and Dvarasamudra, and asserted the authority of the
king of Delhi. It scems that Malik Näib, on instructions from the King, either
per- sonally led or sent an expedition into Ma'bar with a view to restor- ing
Sundara Pandya to his kingdom, as the latter, being worsted in the struggle for
the throne, had gone to Delhi and sought ‘Alā- ud-din's help. Malik Naib,
however, could not subjugate the entire Yadava kingdom. The kingdom of
Kampili,40 comprising Bellary, Raichur and Dharwar, asserted its independence,
and he led one indecisive campaign against it. For about three years the great
proconsul of the South sent tribute received from Warangal and Dvārasamudra, until
in 1315 he was recalled by the King due to his serious illness.
The
absence of Malik Naib in the Deccan led to the undisputed supremacy of
Malika-i-Jahan and Alp Khän at the court. She now married her second son Shädi
Khän to the second daughter of her brother, on which occasion Khizr Khan was
allowed to marry Devalā Devi, daughter of Raja Karna. Meanwhile the health of
the King rapidly declined. He had been suffering from dropsy and conse- quent
fever, and was sadly neglected by his son Khizr Khan and his mother, the well
beloved wife of 'Alä-ud-din's early life. He had neglected the education of his
sons who, being left free at an early age to do as they liked, took to drink
and debauchery. In utter helplessness he recalled his favourite lieutenant from
the Deccan and acquainted him with his troubles (1315). The astute Malik Naib
availed himself of the opportunity for overthrowing the Alp Khän junta by
poisoning the king's mind against Khizr Khān, his mother, and his
father-in-law; but he failed to secure the King's sanction for killing Alp Khan
as a necessary step towards his own safety. However, the relentless Käfür and
his follower Kamal-ud- din Gurg murdered Alp Khän in cold blood. The junta was
broken and Malik Naib became master of the situation. Khizr Khan was removed
from the capital: he was first despatched to Amroha and then as a prisoner to
Gwalior; while his mother was imprisoned in the fort at Delhi. These happenings
at the capital reacted on the empire, and the army in Gujarāt revolted after
the murder of Alp Khan. Kamal-ud-din Gurg, who was despatched there, failed to
quell the rebellion, and was himself killed by the rebels. Troubles broke out
in Chitor, where 'Ala-ud-din's protégé Maladeva was challenged by Hammir, ruler
of the Sisodiya branch. Devagiri as- serted its independence under
Harapaladeva, son-in-law of Rāma- chandra. It was in the midst of these
troubles that 'Ala-ud-dīn Khalji, the mighty king of Delhi, passed away on
January 5, 1316.404 It is difficult to analyse or pass a verdict on
'Ala-ud-din's character. As a king he was a ruthless tyrant, and as a man,
treacher- ous and ungrateful. But with all these defects in his character, what
carried him through was his resourcefulness, energy and capa- city for work to
which was added his unbounded courage tempered with calculation and a
penetrating common senso. He was a man of inordinate ambition, but also
possessed bold and original ideas to which he would give practical shape with
his genius for orga- nization and leadership. A vigorous commander, he knew how
to carry his army through strenuous campaigns. A master of diplomacy and
finesse, he revealed it in his wonderful blitzkrieg in Devagiri and the
subsequent events which led to his accession. As a ruler he was vigorous and
efficient; and as a reformer, bold and original. He held a very exalted
conception of kingship; the absolute State was the ideal for which he worked-a
State untrammelled by the authority of the 'Ulama and unhampered by the
influence of a powerful nobility. He understood the value of and prepared the
ground for the separation of the State from the Church. He was not more bigoted
than his age. Himself almost illiterate, he had noth- ing but contempt for
learning and scholarship, though during his reign Delhi became 'the rival of
Cairo and the equal of Constanti- nople' because of the throng of great men of
whom the poet Amir Khusrav and Hasan were the most famous. 'Ala-ud-din was the
first Muslim imperialist and the first great Muslim administrator of India. The
history of Muslim empire and Muslim administration in India really begins with
him. 'Alä-ud-din, Sher Shah, and Akbar-each marks a distinctive step in the
evolution of Indo-Muslim history.
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