By: Agnieszka Kuczkiewicz-Fraś (Jagiellonian University in Krakow)
The second half of the 16th century, during the reign of India’s third, and widely regarded as the greatest, ruler of the Mughal dynasty, Jalāl ud-Dīn Muḥammad Akbar, was also the time when the Europeans were becoming increasingly present on the Indian Subcontinent. Especially active among them were the Portuguese – both in the political and economic sense as well as in the cultural and the religious dimension.
After
reaching India with the expedition of Vasco da Gama in 1498, the Portuguese very quickly – already in 1505 –
started their expansion on the Western
cost of the Subcontinent and throughout the next thirty years conquered the territories of Goa (where they
established a powerful trading post and which
also became the seat of the viceroy and council appointed by the
Portuguese king in Lisbon), and Diu.
From 1558 the Portuguese forces occupied also
Daman, which was an important port on the Cambay Gulf, and thus
created a great problem for the Mughals,
especially after the annexation of the rich
and prosperous province of Gujarat into the Mughal Empire in 1572. The Portuguese naval dominance over the Arabian
Sea caused that no Indian ship could
sail without the so-called cartaz or special pass for safe conducts. For Indian Muslims this situation was especially
oppressive since the ports of the
Western coast were the point of embarkation for pilgrims going to
Mecca.1 The conflicts (also the armed
ones) between the Mughal authorities of the province and the Portuguese happened during the whole
of the Akbar’s reign.
With the Portuguese territorial and economic expansion, also the Catholic missionaries started arriving in India. The Portuguese actually had a monopoly on promoting Christianity in Asia, and on conducting trade in the overseas territories, provided in 1455 by Pope Nicholas V in the famous bull Romanus Pontifex addressed to King Alfonso V of Portugal. In 1534 the Diocese of Goa was established, covering in fact the whole East, from the Cape of Good Hope to China. The missionaries from the newly founded Jesuit order were sent there, partly to serve the Portuguese as chaplains and partly for genuine missionary activities. The colonial authorities in Goa supported the mission with various actions, like distributing rice among the poor, providing jobs in administration or even offering military assistance to the local Indian rulers.
This
period of the Indian history – the time of Akbar’s reign and of the strengthening the presence of Portuguese – is
very well documented in the historical
sources. On the one hand, there are records of Muslim chroniclers, the most prominent place among whom belongs
to Abu ’l-Faẓl,2 ‘Abdu ’l Qādir
Badāʾūnī3 and Niẓāmu ’d-Dīn Aḥmad Baxšī;4 on the other hand, a great
amount of documents and letters written
by Portuguese missionaries, who often spent
many years at the imperial court.5 All these writings depict Akbar as a
man of extraordinary intellect (although
he was illiterate), interested in the world,
tolerant, finding pleasure in philosophical and religious deliberations,
with a tendency to mysticism, whose
great desire was to find a religious system
that would satisfy all aspects of his expectations. Akbar was also
undoubtedly a brilliant and skilful
politician, and as such he understood well that the reign of his dynasty might last only as long as it
was widely accepted by those over whom
he reined. Even though conversions to Islam were relatively common after the arrival of Muslims in the Indian
Subcontinent, still there was no doubt
that the old religions did not disappear, and that not all the people of
India would adopt Islam. Akbar knew that
there must be some concessions in such areas as
religion, language or customs, to ensure peace in the country.
Akbar
undertook a whole range of actions that were supposed to prove that he wanted to be a ruler and protector of all
citizens of his realm, regardless of the
religions they professed. Among other things, in 1564 he abolished jizya – a
poll tax levied on non-Muslims, which in a sense resulted that only Mus lims
were full citizens of the empire while the rest of the society was merely tolerated – provided, however, that they humbly
endured the condition of being
subjected. Consequently, Hindus and Muslims could feel to be equal
sharers in a common citizenship for the
first time. Another restriction revoked by Akbar was a ban on erecting temples in honour of
various gods. Therefore, Hindu places of
worship began to rise again from the ground in the entire country. Later this privilege was also extended to
Christians, which allowed the erecting
of churches in Lāhaur (1597) and Āgrā (1598/1599).
There
is no doubt that these decisions were dictated by Akbar’s political considerations and principles of his domestic
policy, the basic guideline of which was
“peace with all” (ṣulḥ-i kull). One objective of such actions was to provide all his subjects with the equal
status and rights; the other intention
was to limit the influence of a strong faction of the orthodox Muslim
clergy (‘ulamā) at the court. But surely
neither of them would have been possible if
the emperor had been lacking innate tolerance and a syncretic way of thinking.
In
the beginning of 1575, Akbar ordered the erection of a spacious, elegant structure “consisting of four halls, near the
new palace in Fatḥpúr”6 in his newly
built capital of Fatḥpūr Sīkrī.7 The structure, known as ‘Ibādat xāna
(“House of Worship”), was to function as
a hall for religious and philosophical debates that took place each Thursday evening. Various
Muslim scholars and learned men: pious
šaix-s, orthodox ‘ulamā-s and dignified saiyid-s, representing different schools of Islam, as well as the nobles of
the court, were invited to take part in
the debates and discuss important questions of law and faith.8 But very
soon it appeared that the participants
of these meetings failed to reach agreement
either on issues of fundamental importance or in minor cases and their
mutual aggression caused the palace
guard to intervene a few times. “Akbar was […]
fairly disgusted […] he never pardoned pride and conceit in a man, and
of all kinds of conceit, the conceit of
learning was most hateful to him”9 and finally,
disappointed, he suspended the debates.
Akbar’s
dissatisfaction with the ‘ulamā-s led him to the decision which eventually was to break their power up. In
September 1579, a document known as the
maḥẓar was announced and signed by the leading ‘ulamā-s (although against their will10). According to this
decree Akbar put himself in a position
of the Imām-i Ādil, “equitable leader,” the highest legal authority in
the realm and supreme arbiter in all
disputes.11 His verdicts – both religious and secular – were to be final, with no possibility of
appeal; he also had the privilege of final
interpretation of legal provisions contained in the Qurān (which still
remained the highest legal and religious
authority in the empire).12 Soon after the proclamation of the maḥẓar the religious debates in
‘Ibādat xāna were resumed, but now also
the representatives of other religions were invited to take part in them
and the scope of the disputes was extended
to include views and dogmas of religious
systems different from Islam. Furthermore, Akbar’s interest in other
religions was not a new phenomenon – for
quite a long time he was studying the secrets
of the Zoroastrians, and even observed some of their rituals; he was
also vividly interested in Hinduism,
Jainism, Buddhism and Christianity.13
Akbar’s
first encounter with Christianity might have been in 1576. The apparently insignificant news about two
Christian missionaries’ arrival in Bengal
reached the emperor. Refusing them absolution, they severely reproved
some Portuguese merchants who were
accused of defrauding the Mughal state treasury
by not paying the required taxes.14 The emperor was very impressed,
both because of the nature of the
Christian priests and the dogmas of their religion, which he considered exceptionally valuable
since it condemned categorically any
dishonesty – even in relation to a foreign government.
Wishing
to learn more about the Christian doctrine, Akbar invited Father Julian Pereira, the then Vicar-General in Bengal, to
his court. Yet, the pious but poorly
educated clergyman was not able to satisfy the emperor’s curiosity.
Similarly, neither Pietro Tavàres, a
Portuguese officer in his service and the commandant of the port of Hugli, nor Antonio Cabral sent
to his court as an ambassador of the
Portuguese Viceroy Dom Diogo de Meneses, could authoritatively give further details about the more profound
matters of the faith, even though they
were able to provide the emperor with a considerable amount of
information concerning Christian manners
and customs. In this situation Akbar decided to
seek the assistance of the Portuguese Catholic mission that had been
residing in Goa for the last several
decades. In December 1578, Akbar sent a following letter to the authorities in Goa:
The
commandment of Zelaldinus the Great, King by God constituted. Know, o chief
Fathers of the Order of St. Paul,15 that
we are very well disposed unto you. We are sending unto you Ebadulla,16 our envoy, and Dominicus
Petricus,17 that they may communicate to you in
our own words our desire that two learned priests should be sent unto
us, to bring the chief books of the Law
and the Gospel in order that we may learn the Law and its full meaning and perfect truths in every respect. For I
earnestly desire thoroughly to learn that Law. Let them not hesitate, therefore, to set out with
the same envoys when they leave Goa on the
return journey; and let them bring the books of the Law with them. Let
the priests understand that I shall
receive them with all possible kindness and honour. Their arrival will be a
great delight to me: and when I have
learnt what I long to know about the law and its perfection and the salvation it offers, they shall be
allowed to return as soon as they like. I shall send them back again dignified with very many honours
and gifts. Let them have no fear in coming.
For I take them under my own protection and guarantee. Farewell!18
The
legation reached Goa in September 1579 and was welcomed according to the state ceremony usually reserved for
the arrival of a new Portuguese Viceroy.
The emperor’s invitation aroused great enthusiasm and high hopes among missionaries who for many years tried
to find a way of preaching God’s word in
the Mughal’s empire without any success. The prospect of winning such a powerful ruler and such a vast country
for the glory of the Church and the
benefits of the Portuguese was worth taking any risks. Despite the initial resistance from the Viceroy it was
decided in November that a mission
consisting of three carefully selected priests would be sent to the
court of the Great Mughal. These priests
were: Rudolf Aquaviva, aged 29, the head of
the mission, coming from an aristocratic family from Naples, an
intellectual and expert in philosophy
who spoke the local languages (Konkani, and later also Persian); Antonio Monserrate, a Catalan
aged 41, as Aquaviva’s deputy and
chronicler of the expedition,19 and François Henriqués, a Muslim convert of Persian origin, coming from Ormuz, who was
to act as an interpreter and assistant
to the mission.
After
a tiring and dangerous journey, which lasted over three months, the missionaries reached Fatḥpūr Sīkrī on 28
February 1580. Akbar was waiting for
them with great anticipation, and as soon as they had arrived, they were taken before the emperor and stayed with him
till late in the night, answering his
questions about the Christian faith. Akbar’s sons, aged from 8 to 11, as well as he, wore Portuguese clothes: scarlet
cloaks with golden fastenings and
Portuguese hats – which the emperor used to wear to please his guests.
He also presented the Jesuits with
considerable amount of gold, but the Fathers, bound by the vow of poverty, refused the gift and
“[n]othing that he could say would
persuade them to accept the present.”20 This aroused the emperor’s
immense surprise because at that time
offering money and accepting gifts of this type
was a universally recognised custom.
The following day the missionaries were again received by Akbar in a private audience, and a few days later (on 3 March) they presented to him a beauti fully bound copy of Biblia Regia (also known as Plantin Polyglot), in eight volumes, commissioned by Filip II, the King of Spain, and printed in Antwerp by Christopher Plantin between 1569 and 1572.21 With immense astonishment the missionaries observed that Akbar “received these holy books with great reverence, taking each into his hand one after the other and kissing it, after which he placed it on his head, which, amongst these people, signifies honour and respect. He acted thus in the presence of all his courtiers and captains, the greater part of whom were Mahometans. Afterwards he inquired which of these books contained the Gospels; and when it was pointed out to him, he looked at it very intently, kissed it a second time, and placed it as before on his head. He then gave orders to his attendants that the books were to be conveyed to his own apartment, and ordered a rich cabinet to be made for their reception.”22 He also ordered the court artists to produce a golden reliquary and make copies of portraits of Christ the Saviour of the world and Virgin Mary his holy Mother, which the Jesuits brought with them.23
The
chapel was built in the palace and one of Akbar’s sons, Murād, then a boy of ten, was entrusted to Father Monserrate to
study the Portuguese language and the
principles of Christian ethics.24 The priests were allowed to preach and convert freely in the whole city, and they
could perform publicly their religious
services, which was in opposition to the principles of Islam. When a
certain Portuguese had died at a court,
Akbar acceded to organise “a public funeral with Christian rites, that is to say, with lighted
candles, and preceded by the cross.”25 The Jesuits enjoyed unlimited,
continuous access to the emperor,26 and were
also regular participants in the religious debates in ‘Ibādat xāna as
well as in those conducted outside the
court, during the military or hunting expeditions.
There
is no doubt that the Jesuit missionaries were amazed by the tolerance of the Mughal ruler – they were coming, after
all, from Europe, dominated at that time
by the raging Inquisition, tracking down and persecuting heretics, where the sovereigns imposed their own
religion on their subjects according to
the principle Cuius regio, eius religio. The missionaries took it for
granted that Akbar was close to reject
Islam totally and become a Christian. This erroneous belief was surely strengthened by the reports
of Badāʾūnī, who described the terrible
relationship that prevailed between the ruler and the Philistine orthodox Muslim clergy. For the conservative historian
it was one of the proofs of the
emperor’s anti-Islamic attitude.27 Thus the Fathers were truly
disappointed when it finally turned out
that the earnest desire to find spiritual truth, so characteristic of Akbar, was caused by his inclinations
towards mysticism rather than his
sincere desire of conversion, even though some of his deeds might have
created such an impression.28
On
the other hand, the behaviour of the Jesuits was uncompromising, even fanatical, and many a time it was only the
authority of the emperor that saved
their lives. The priests broke the rules of court etiquette repeatedly
and spoke in a derogatory manner about
Islam and its prophet. Their presence at the court and Akbar’s explicit favours intensified
discontent and the hostile attitude among
the courtiers – especially those connected with the conservative Muslim
faction. During the debates the dispute
concerning the superiority of the Bible over the Qur’ān and vice versa returned over and over
again. The ordeal by fire was even
proposed as a means of proving the trueness of the claims of both parties,29
but eventually it never took place. For the Jesuits the unsolvable problem
was polygamy – unacceptable for them but
at the same time impossible to be given
up by Akbar. The emperor could not and did not want to reject the
practice of having many wives for purely
political reasons – the alliances established by marrying women from powerful families who
were mostly daughters of the mighty
local rulers. Polygamy was one of the pillars of the imperial policy of expansion and uniting Indian territories
under the Mughal rule. Moreover, the
missionaries were unable to come to terms with the fact that Akbar
allowed his subjects to enjoy complete freedom
of religion and consequently, “cared little
that in allowing every one to follow his own religion he was in reality
violating all religions”30 – as Father
Monserrate commented.
Although
his attitude towards the Christian missionaries was very positive, even cordial,31 Akbar did not stop taking
more or less ambiguous attempts to
remove the Portuguese from the territories occupied by them on the
Western coast. The main goal was to
regain from the foreign hands the harbours of Diu and Daman, which was justified by the
necessity of providing Indian Muslims
with the possibility of setting off to Ḥijāz without additional
troubles caused by the Portuguese
authorities. However, military actions taken during the years 1580–1583 did not bring any results, and
finally Akbar gave up these plans,
probably having realised that it was impossible to deal effectively with
the Portuguese naval power without
strong fleet, which the Mughals did not have.
However,
the Jesuits learned about the actions taken by Akbar against the Portuguese, and acknowledged them to be
deceitful and ambiguous. They also
abandoned hope that they would manage to persuade Akbar to accept
Christianity and succeed in changing him
into “Asian Constantine the Great,” especially
that the emperor started to reveal his increasingly stronger tendency to
religious syncretism.32 Their
observations and rather unfavourable impressions of the prospects of the mission were reported to the
provincial in Goa, who summoned them to
return if only they decided that there were no chances for any positive results of their staying at Akbar’s court.
The first who returned to Goa, already in
1581, before the termination of the mission, was Father Henriqués. A
year later Antonio Monserrate left the
court but he was delegated by Akbar to become one of the members of the planned Mughal legation to
the king of Spain. Monserrate was
equipped with a written request to send another Christian in his place
as well as more books concerning
Christianity. However, the embassy to Spain never came to fruition and Monserrate stayed in Goa. The
last member and leader of the mission
Rudolf Aquaviva remained at the court for another year, and eventually,
he took leave of Akbar in February 1583,
with great and mutual regret. The emperor and
the missionary, who befriended each other during those three years, were
never to meet again – Aquaviva was
martyred a few weeks after his return to Goa.
Thus
the first Christian mission to the Mughal empire ended up in an ap parent
failure. Monserrate summarised it with disappointment, “Hence we may justly suspect that Zelaldinus had been led
to summon the Christian priests not by
any divine prompting but by curiosity and to ardent an interest in hearing new things, or perhaps by a desire to attempt
the destruction of men’s souls in some
novel fashion. For if this enterprise had been of God, it could have been hindered by no hardship or obstacles. Since
it was not of God, it collapsed of
itself, in spite of the King’s obstinacy.”33
But
was the failure of the mission really so complete? In fact, seven years later Akbar sent another written request to
the authorities in Goa, asking again for
sending Christian priests to his court. The letter, obviously dictated by the emperor himself, may indicate that in the
year 1590 Akbar may have had some
thoughts of accepting Christian faith.34 We can read there the following passages: “I have knowledge of all the faiths
of the world, both of those of the
Gentile35 of various sorts, and the law of Mahomet, excepting only that of Jesus-Christ which is the law of God, and as
such is accepted and followed by many.
[…] Fathers […] may dispute with my doctors, and […] I, by comparing the knowledge and other qualities displayed on
either side, may be able to see the
superiority of the Fathers over my own learned men, whom we call Caziques, and who by this means may be taught
to know the truth […].”36 And the
document which Akbar sent to the governors of the provinces in order to ensure a safe journey of the Jesuits from Goa
to Lāhaur, says again: “I hope, […] to
ensure the despatch of certain other Fathers whom I have invited to come to me from Goa, and through whose holy
doctrine I hope to be restored from
death to life, even as their master, Jesus-Christ, who came down from
heaven to earth, raised many from the
dead, and gave them new life.”37 In response to Akbar’s request, and in hope of
his prospective conversion, a mission
consisting of two Jesuit priests38 and a lay brother was sent from Goa and reached Lāhaur in 1591. But very soon it
appeared that in fact, the emperor did
not intend to adopt Christianity. It is highly probable that his
declarations suggesting his devotion to
Christianity were never truly sincere. He might have valued Christian dogmas above those of other
religions. However, he never declared
openly any desire to be baptized nor admitted publicly that he was a follower of Christ. The second mission
failed very soon, which was most likely
caused by the strong resistance of the influential members of the royal court. The partakers of the expedition
returned to Goa after several months. However, despite the absence of Christian
missionaries in the immediate vicinity
of Akbar his tolerant attitude towards Christianity – as well as towards other religions – was constant and strong. A
farmān (decree) issued in 1603
guaranteed the right of Christians to preach and carry out conversions
as well as to erect churches not only in
Āgrā and Lāhaur but also in Bombay and Ṭhaṭṭa.
Akbar’s three grandsons – offspring of his youngest son Dāniyāl who died
in 1604 – were even baptized although
they converted back to Islam soon. Yet, it
was in all probability a purely political ploy, designed to eliminate
these three grandsons from fight for
succession after Akbar’s death.
The
third and last time Akbar renewed his wish to investigate the secrets of faith in Christ in 1594 when he sent a
request to the Portuguese Viceroy in Goa
asking him to delegate priests to his court. Having experienced two earlier unsuccessful missions, the Jesuits
were rather reluctant to send another
expedition, but the secular authorities of the colony – definitely for
political reasons – insisted on meeting
the demands of the Great Mughal. The General
of the Order in Rome also favoured the idea strongly. The grand-nephew
of St. Francis Xavier, known as Jerome
Xavier of Navarra, was appointed to head
the mission.39 This time the Fathers were luckier: the Jesuit mission
lasted at the Mughal court throughout
the next two centuries. Naturally, its character transformed over time and the prosperity of
the mission also changed continually,
depending on who sat on the imperial throne. Finally, the attempts to
convert the Mughal emperor to
Christianity were abandoned; the primary task of the missionaries was to take spiritual care and
to support the Christians gathered
around the Mughal court. Jerome Xavier, who possessed fairly good
knowledge of the Persian language, was
the author of several books devoted to various
aspects of Christianity. The Jesuits studied geography and astronomy,
and conducted research work in the
observatories in Delhi and Jaipur. One
of the probable reasons why Akbar required constant presence of Jesuits at his court was their unexpected
impact on the cultural and artistic life
of the milieu in Delhi and Āgrā. The existence of the mission provided a supply of books, often richly illustrated,
as well as of European paintings or
their reproductions. The Europeans, who arrived in the Mughal India in
the first half of the 17th century, were
amazed to see numerous examples of murals
featuring Jesus Christ, the Blessed Virgin and Catholic saints, on the
walls of palaces and mausoleums.
Christian motives were also employed in miniature painting, jewellery and sculpture.
In the declining years of Akbar’s reign, political tension between the Por tuguese colonial authorities and the Mughals was growing and this situation inevitably affected the presence of Christian mission at his court to some extent. Akbar was an excellent and shrewd politician. He treated his Christian guests with great reverence and fondness as well as maintained friendly contacts with the authorities in Goa, but his real intentions towards the Portuguese were not friendly. In vain did he try to conceal this fact from Fr Aquaviva and Fr Monserrate during the first mission, but nearly twenty years later, he declared his attitude openly. His friendly legations, sent avowedly with the innocent goals of attaining religious instructions and purchasing European wares, had baleful political intentions at the same time and were used as means of espionage. On the other hand, the Jesuit fathers, especially those who came with the third mission, although deeply religious and very enthusiastic about their missionary work and their service to the Church, tried to serve the interests of their homelands. Undoubtedly, they were perceived by their superiors as some kind of Portuguese or Spanish agents who had to play certain political roles.
Despite
the constant friendliness of the emperor himself, the missionaries experienced overt hostility at his court,
which on the one side, was traditionally
exposed by the conservative Muslim nobles, and on the other hand,
fuelled by the machinations of other
Europeans, who began arriving in increasing
numbers to the realm of the Great Mughal. Consequently, the unique
position which they enjoyed, practically
having a monopoly on contacts with Akbar, was
weakened so significantly that when in October 1605 the emperor was lying
on his deathbed, the Jesuits were not
allowed to assist at his side. The 63-year-old
emperor “died as he had lived; for, as none knew what law he followed in
his lifetime, so none knew that in which
he died”40 – du Jarric commented. “Some
wished to pray for him in the Saracen manner; others did not dare to;
and in the end neither Saracens, nor
Gentiles, nor Christians would claim him as theirs, so that he had the prayers of none.”41 His
impressive, monumental mausoleum in
Sikandrā, which he designed for himself while still alive, is the last
proof of his syncretic way of thinking,
combining elements of all three architectural
styles: Muslim, Hindu and Christian.
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Notes
1
It was reported by Badāʾūnī that the pilgrims going to Mecca by sea “had to put
up with indignities from the Portuguese,
whose passports had pictures of Mary and Jesus (peace be upon Him!) stamped on them” and – as Badāʾūnī
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76
Agnieszka Kuczkiewicz-Fraś
2
Abu ’l-Faẓl ‘Allāmī (1551–1602) – Akbar’s court historian, secretary and
biographer, military commander and
theologian. He criticised the traditional Muslim clergy (‘ulamā) and influenced the development of Akbar’s
religious synthesis. Opposing the narrow-mindedness of the religious leaders and blaming their
involvement in shallow forms of worship instead of the praise of transcendent God, Abu ’l-Faẓl
had a vast influence at court. His major literary achievement was a history of Akbar and his
predecessors Akbarnāma (“Book of Akbar”), the
last part of which is constituted by Ā‘īn-i Akbarī (“The Institutions of
Akbar”). Both works give a vivid and
detailed description of Akbar’s court and reign. Abu ’l-Faẓl also translated
the Bible into Persian.
3
‘Abdu ’l Qādir Badāʾūnī (1540-c. 1615) – an Indo-Persian historian, one of the
most important writers concerning the
Mughal period in India. From 1574 he worked in the religious office at the court of Akbar and received money from him.
His most important work is the Muntaxab al-tavārīx (“Selection from History”),
also called Tārīx-e Badāʾūnī (“Badāʾūnī’s History”), a history of Muslim India including additional sections on
Muslim religious figures, physicians, poets, and scholars. The work contains the author’s
hostile remarks about Akbar and his religious practices.
4
Niẓām al-Dīn Aḥmad ibn Muḥammad Muqīm Haravī (d. 1594) – a prominent
official during the reign of Akbar, from
1593 a paymaster and commander-in-chief (baxšī) of the entire empire. He became famous as the author of the
much celebrated history of India, Ṭabaqāt-i
Akbarī, which is a comprehensive historical study of the rule of Akbar
and includes a study of the other
Indo-Muslim dynasties from the 10th to the 17th centuries. His work was the
first general history devoted solely to
India and became a model for later authors who were to undertake similar historical projects.
5
One has to remember that the missionaries were not casual travellers in the
Mughal empire, but they had the opportunity
of the closest contacts with Akbar and were often acquainted with Indian languages and customs. The detailed
accounts of the Indian flora and fauna, religions and traditions, ethnography and history which
they sent to their superiors in Europe were usually invaluable and unbiased records. There are
three main published books, which contain the earliest Jesuit sources regarding
the Akbar’s times: Letters from the Mughal Court: the first Jesuit mission to Akbar (1580–1583), edited and
introduced by John Correia-Afonso (1980), who
examines the letters of the first Jesuit Mission at Fatḥpūr Sīkrī and
Āgrā; The commentary of Father
Monserrate, S.J., on his journey to the court of Akbar, translated from the
original Latin by J. S. Hoyland and annotated
by S. N. Banjeree (1922) – cf. footnote 19; and Akbar and the Jesuits: an account of the Jesuit missions to
the court of Akbar by Pierre Du Jarric (1926, repr. in 2005), reproducing or recapitulating the most
valuable missionaries’ letters written prior to 1610. 6 Muntaxab al-tavārīx II:
198.
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Agnieszka Kuczkiewicz-Fraś
7
The exact location of the structure is not known since no building suiting the
description given by Badāʾūnī or Abu
’l-Faẓl has remained at Fatḥpūr. The specification left by the chroni clers
clearly indicates some building resembling Dīvan-i-‘ām, enclosing a great
quadrangle. Cf. Havell 1904 (Part
Sixteen: Fatehpur Sikri, footnote 16): <http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/
pritchett/00artlinks/agra_havell/16fatahpursikri.html>
8
Badāʾūnī describes these initial meetings in the following way: “…every
Thursday evening he [Akbar] invited
Sayyids, Shaikhs, Ulamá, and Amírs. But ill-feeling arose in the company about the seats and order of precedence, so
His Majesty ordered that the Amírs should sit on the east side, the Sayyids on the west, the
Ulamá on the south, and the Shaikhs on the north. His Majesty would go from time to time to
these various parties, and converse with them, and ascertain their thoughts…” (Muntaxab al-tavārīx
II: 202).
9
Badāʾūnī’s Muntaxab al-tavārīx II: 202, quoted in the Ā‘īn-i Akbarī in
translation of H. Blochmann; cf. Ā‘īn-i
Akbarī I: 180.
10
Muntaxab al-tavārīx II: 272.
11
The text of the maḥẓar is quoted by Badāʾūnī (Muntaxab al-tavārīx II: 271–272).
Cf. also Frykenberg 2008: 168, Smith
1919: 178–181, Rizvi 1975: 141–160.
12
“… should therefore in future a religious question come up, regarding which of
the opinions of the Mujtahids [jurist;
the highest authority in jurisprudence – AKF] are at variance, and His Majesty in his penetrating
understanding and clear wisdom be inclined to adopt, for the benefit of the nation, and as a political
expedient, any of the conflicting opinions, which exist on that point, and issue a decree to that
effect, we do hereby agree that such a decree shall be binding on us and on the whole nation. […]
should His Majesty think fit to issue a new order, we and the nation shall likewise be bound by
it, provided always that such order be not only The commandment of Zelaldinus
the Great, King by God constituted. Know, o chief Fathers of the Order of St. Paul,15 that we are very
well disposed unto you. We are sending unto
in accordance with some verse of the Qur’án, but also of real benefit to
the nation; and further, that any
opposition on the part of his subjects to such an order passed by His Majesty
shall involve damnation in the world to
come, and loss of property and religious privileges in this…” (Muntaxab al-tavārīx II: 271–272).
13
More on Akbar’s attitude towards other religions cf., e.g., Nizami 1989; Rizvi
1975. 14 The occurrence was described by John Correia-Afonso in the
Introduction to his book and the names
of the two missionaries can also be found there – Anthony Vaz and Peter
Dias. Cf. Correia-Afonso 1980: 5.
15
The Jesuit Fathers at Goa were known as Paulists on account of the College of
St. Paul, which gave rise to this name.
The college – primarily an ordinary lay seminary – was converted into a Jesuit institution by St. Francis
Xavier. Many Jesuit priests were trained there and the college was seen by the Fathers of the
Society as their Indian Alma Mater. Cf. Du Jarric 2004: 107 (note 8).
80
Agnieszka Kuczkiewicz-Fraś 16 It was most probably Sayyid ‘Abdallāh, one of
Akbar’s officers, mentioned by Abu ’l-Faẓl
among the commanders of the seven hundred (no. 189), cf. Ā‘īn-i Akbarī
I: 518. 17 Dominic Perez was an Armenian Christian at the Akbar’s court,
married to an Indian wife. He served as
an interpreter of the Akbar’s embassies to Goa in 1578 and 1594. Cf.
Monserrate 1922: 2 (footnote 2) and Du
Jarric 2004: 107 (note 9).
18
The text of the letter is cited here after Monserrate 1922: 2. Its slightly
different English versions were also
published in, e.g., Smith 1919: 169; Du Jarric 2004: 9; Correia-Afonso 1980: 6.
19 It is worth mentioning here that the chronicles of Antonio Monserrate titled
Mongolicae Legationis Commentarius,
discovered in 1906 and published in 1922 in English translation as The Commentary of Father Monserrate S.J. on
his Journey to the Court of Akbar, have a unique historical importance being the earliest,
from the times of Vasco da Gama, European report concerning North India. Monserrate described
– among other things – the details of a successful campaign run by Akbar in 1581 against his
rebellious half-brother Mirzā Ḥakīm, governor of Kābul. He also included a map of North India
prepared on the basis of his astronomical observations, which has been the oldest European map of
India since the times of Ptolemy and Eratosthenes.
20
Monserrate 1922: 28. And du Jarric adds: “As for their livelihood, for which
the King urged them to accept what he
offered them, they said that it was sufficient happiness for them to enjoy his favour, and that they trusted to
God to supply their daily needs. The King was much impressed by their refusal of the money, and
for a long time could talk to his courtiers of nothing else” (Du Jarric 2004: 10).
21
Fifteen years later, in 1595, Akbar offered this Polyglota, together with other
European books that he had in his
library, to the Jesuit priests of the third mission sent from Goa. Among
the donated volumes there were
“different Bibles and concordances, the Summa theologiae and other works of Thomas Aquinas, surely in Latin, works
of Domingo de Soto, of Antonio Forciglione,
Historia Pontificalis [of John of Salisbury – AKF], Chronicles of St.
Francis, Constitutions of the Society of
Jesus and Spiritual Exercises of St. Ignatius” (Fernando & Gispert-Sauch
2004: 137). All these books Akbar had in
his possession as a result of his interactions with the Europeans and they prove how rich and well equipped his
library was. More on Akbar’s library see also
Du Jarric 2004: 31, 117.
22
Du Jarric 2004: 10.
23
Ibid., p. 14.
24
Father Monserrate praised the young prince to be “an ideal pupil as regards
natural ability, good conduct and
intellectual capacity. In all these respects it would have been hard to find
any Christian youth, let alone a prince,
surpassing him” (Monserrate 1922: 52).
25
Du Jarric 2004: 15. The funeral procession that passed through the city of Fatḥpūr
Sīkrī aroused great curiosity among its inhabitants: “the infidels, […] were
strongly impressed by reverent respect
shown by the Portuguese towards their dead; and many even of the Saracens uttered prayers for the deceased, and offered
to assist in the interment” (Ibid.).
26
It happened quite often that Akbar conducted long night-time conversations with
the Jesuits in the privacy of his own
throne-room; in one of his letters to Father Vincente, dated 24 July 1582, Rudolf Aquaviva writes that such
discussions occurred “at least once a week, till midnight and at times beyond that” (Correia-Afonso
2003: 110).
27
Badāʾūnī charges Akbar with rejecting “the Resurrection, and Judgment, and
other details and traditions, of which
the Prophet was the repository” (Muntaxab al-tavārīx II: 256). He states that “after five or six years not a trace of
Islám was left in him [Akbar]: and every thing was turned topsy turvy” (Ibid., 255), and admits
openly that “His Majesty firmly believed in the truth of the Christian religion, and wishing to
spread the doctrines of Jesus, ordered Prince Murád to take a few lessons in Christianity under good
auspices, and charged Abul-fazl to translate the Gospel. Instead of the usual
Bismilláh-irraḥmán-irraḥín the following line was used: Ai námí vey Gesu Christu, that is «O thou, whose name
is merciful and very bountiful»” (Ibid., 260).
Badāʾūnī accuses the Fathers “those accursed men”, and other “persons of
novel and whimsical opinions, in
accordance with their pernicious ideas, and vain doubts” (Ibid., 255) of
causing this disastrous situation. The
Christian missionaries make the same statement, “And yet one does not know for certain what law he follows; for
though he is certainly not a Mahometan as his actions show plainly enough…” (Du Jarric 2004: 34).
28
Akbar occasionally took part in Christian services kneeling bareheaded; he
prostrated himself before the image of
the Saviour or even kissed an icon of Jesus on a public occasion. Cf. Correia-Afonso 1980: 138, 176.
29
Both Badāʾūnī and Abu ’l-Faẓl mention these events though their reports differ
when it comes to indicating which of the
parties proposed the ordeal by fire. According to Badāʾūnī it was Quṭb-ud-dīn of Jalesar, regarded as a holy
man (majz̤ūb), intoxicated (xarābī) with the Divine Love, who “brought […] to a conference with
some Christian priests, and philosophers, and great law-authorities of the age, after a
discussion […] exclaimed: «Let us make a peat fire, and in the presence of His Majesty we will pass through
it, and whichever gets safely through it, will prove thereby the truth of his religion.» The fire
was made. The Shaikh pulled one of the Christian priests by the coat, and said
to him: «Come on, in the name of God!» But none of the priests had the courage to go” (Muntaxab al-tavārīx II: 299).
Abu ’l-Faẓl relates however: “The Padre [Rudolf
– AKF] quietly and with an air of conviction said: «Alas, that such
things should be thought to be true! In
fact, if this faction has such an opinion of our Book, and regard the Furqān
(Qoran) as the pure Word of God, it is
proper that a heaped fire be lighted. We shall take the Gospels in our hands, and the ‘Ulamā of that faith shall
take their book, and together we shall enter that testing-place of truth. The escape of any one
will be a sign of his truthfulness»” (Akbarnāma III: 369). Cf. also Monserrate 1922: 39–43; Rizvi
1975: 133 ff.; Nizami 1989: 200–201.
30
Monserrate 1922: 142.
31
A description of Akbar’s friendly, even a familiar, attitude towards the
Jesuits can be found e.g. in
Monserrate’s Commentary, cf. Ibid., 63–64.
32
Monserrate emphasises Akbar’s eclecticism, quoting his words with which he
concluded one of the religious debates:
“I perceive that there are varying customs and beliefs of varying religious paths. For the teachings of the
Hindus, the Musalmans, the Jazdini [Zoroastrians – AKF], the Jews and the Christians are all
different. […] Wherefore I desire that on appointed days the books of all the religious laws be
brought forward, and that the doctors meet together and hold discussions, so that I may hear
them, and that each one may determine which is the truest and mightiest religion” (Ibid., 182).
He further states that “… the priests began to suspect that he was intending to found a new religion
with matter taken from all the existing systems” (Ibid., 184). This opinion, shared also by
Badāʾūnī, who charged Akbar with apostasy and read his intentions as a sign that he had
abandoned Islam, was then vastly repeated by the historians in reference to Tauḥīd-i ilāhī (Divine
Unity), the circle of scholars and followers, which Akbar initiated in 1582. Tauḥīd-i ilāhī, called by
Pirbhai a kind of “theosophical society” resembling a Ṣūfī order but incorporating some rites
more usually related to Hinduism, like vegetarianism or cremation (cf. Pirbhai 2009: 82), has been
widely regarded as Akbar’s attempt to construct
a new religion for all his Indian subjects. However, the idea of the
Divine Unity, even though built on
Akbar’s strong faith in monotheism and Ṣūfī beliefs concerning the communion
with God (tauḥīd – ‘declaring God to be
one alone,’ ‘believing in the unity of God’), also had a strong political motivation. Akbar was trying to
shape his state and its ruling class on the basis of such principles as liberation, tolerance, justice
and equal treatment to all faiths. This was a goal which neither Christian missionaries nor
narrow-minded Muslim ‘ulamā such as Badāʾūnī could realise or support. Tauḥīd-i ilāhī helped Akbar to
create a tradition of absolute loyalty to the Mughal throne which became his legacy to his
successors. More on religious and political aspects of Tauḥīd-i ilāhī cf. Pirbhai 2009: pass.;
Chandra 1993: 177–183.
33
Monserrate 1922: 192.
34
Cf. Smith 1919: 249.
35
Gentile(s) is a word of Latin origin, usually employed in the plural,
designating primarily in the English
versions of both Testaments the nations distinct from the Jewish people. Since the spread of Christianity the word Gentiles
designates, in theological parlance, those who are neither Jews nor Christians (i.e., they do
not worship the true God). Cf. Gigot 1909: <http://
www.newadvent.org/cathen/06422a.htm>.
36
Du Jarric 2005: 24.
37
Ibid., 23.
38
Father Edward Leioton (Leitanus) and Father Christopher di Vega.
39
Two other priests were sent to assist him: Father Emmanuel Pinheiro, a
Portuguese, and Brother coadjutor
Benedict de Goes.
40
Du Jarric 2005: 97.
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