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THE KINGDOM OF VIJAYANAGARA
By N. VENKATARAMANAYYA, A.A., Ph.D.
Assistant Editor, District Gazetteer, Andhra.
8. VIJAYARAYA II (A.D. 1446-47) and MALLIKARJUNA (A.D. 1446-65)
The political situation at Vijayanagara immediately after the death of Devaraya II is not definitely known. Though it is gene- rally assumed that his son, Mallikarjuna, succeeded him on the throne, there is reason to believe that Vijaya II, more commonly known as Pratāpadevarāya, younger brother of Devaraya II, ascend- ed the throne and ruled for a short period. 17 It is evident from literary and epigraphic evidence that both Vijaya II and Mallikär- juna for some time ruled the empire simultaneously. How Vijaya II came to be dispossessed of it cannot, however, be ascertained at present. He was probably obliged to come to terms with Malli- kārjuna, as a result of which he had to renounce his claim to the throne and retire to his estate, where he continued to rule until at least A.D. 1455,18
The reign of Vijaya II, short as it was, is important on account
of an attempt made by him to put down ministerial corruption and purify the
administration of the empire. The ministers of the state used to exact presents
and collect certain communal taxes in exor- bitant manner which caused considerable
distress in the kingdom. Vijaya II resolved to put an end to the practice, and
issued orders accordingly. As the reign of Vijaya II came to an end soon after
the issue of this edict, it is not likely that his attempt to reform the
administration produced any permanent result.
Mallikarjuna was probably a mere youth at the time of the death of
his father. He is also spoken in the inscriptions as Mummadi Devarāya (Devaraya
III) or Mummadi Praudha Devaraya, (Praudha Devaraya III).19 Mallikarjuna was a
weak monarch, and his accession marks the beginning of the decline in the
fortunes of the Sangama dynasty. The rivalry between the Rayas and the
Gajapatis of Orissa for the possession of the coastal Andhra country came to a
head; and in the struggle that ensued, the Raya lost considerable territory
besides the coastal Andhra for which the fights began.
According to the contemporary playwright, Gangädäsa, the war began
with the joint attack of the Gajapati and the Bahmani Sultan.20 This took place
probably in A.D. 1450, for in that year Mallikarjuna is said to have won a
victory over the Musulmans. Though Kapilendra, the Gajapati king, is said in
one of the records of his grandson, Prataparudra, to have levied on this
occasion a heavy tribute from the Karnāta king, the statement is not supported
by any other evidence. No trace of Gajapati rule is found any- where in the
Telugu country during the next four or five years, and Mallikarjuna's authority
was recognized until A.D. 1454-55 in the coastal region including the old
kingdom of Kondaviḍu. The silence of the Bahmani historians on the subject,
coupled with Mallikarjuna's claim of victory over the Muslim forces, seems to
point to the same conclusion. Mallikarjuna, therefore, appears to have
succeeded in repulsing the invaders, as stated by Gargādāsa, and maintaining
his hold over the whole extent of his empire.
The Gajapati invasion of Vijayanagara kingdom began, how- ever, in
right earnest four years later. Between A.D. 1450 and 1454 Kapilendra reduced
the Reddi kingdom of Rajahmundry, and sent an army under his cousin Ganadeva
across the Krishna into Kondavidu province of the Vijayanagara empire. The
expedition was completely successful. Vijayanagara armies were defcated and
driven out of Kondavidu; and the important forts of Kondavīdu, Vinukonda and
Addanki together with territories dependent on them passed into his hands. For
four or five years there was com- plete lull. Kumāra Hamvira, one of
Kapilendra's sons, was appoint- ed the governor of Kondaviḍu in the place of
Ganadeva, and was commissioned to invade and conquer Vijayanagara territories.
Hamvira was a great warrior and capable general. Ho led a grand
army in A.D. 1463 into the southern provinces of the empire and was ably
assisted by his son Kumāra Kapileśvara Mahāpātra. The Orissan army seems to
have met with little or no opposition and captured almost all the important
forts on the east coast; Udayagiri, Chandragiri, Paḍaivīdu, Kāñchi,
Valudulampatti-Usāvaḍi, Tirävarur and Tiruchchirapalli rapidly fell one after
another. The expedition was a grand success and Hamvira won great glory by his
advance up to the Kaveri. Kapilendra evidently intended to annex the whole
territory, for he appointed his grandson Kapilesvara Mahāpātra governor of the
extensive area and also made other administrative arrangements. But, for some
reasons not known at present, the Orissan forces were obliged to retrace their
footsteps within two years. They lost all the forts which they had conquered
with the exception of Udayagiri in the Nellore district. Thus though the
expedition caused considerable confusion, it did not lead to any permanent
result, so far as Orissa was concerned. But it had a considerable effect upon
the political and economic condition of Vijayanagara. The loss of the two
strategic forts of Kondavidu and Udayagiri, together with their dependent
territories, weakened the empire; and the failure to offer successful
opposition to the Oriyas lowered the prestige of the Raya.
Mallikarjuna did not long survive the disastrous Gajapati inva-
sion, and died about the middle of A.D. 1465. The end of Malli- kārjuna was not
probably peaceful. Tradition preserved in the Śrīvaishnava work Prapannāmṛitam
states that his own cousin Virū- paksha II assassinated him together with the
members of the royal family and usurped the throne. This is not unlikely; for,
though Virupaksha II was the cousin of Mallikarjuna, he could not have had any
claim to the throne, as the latter had a son to succeed him. Whether Virupaksha
had actually murdered his cousin or not, there can be no doubt that he laid
violent hands upon the throne and took forcible possession of the empire.
9. VIRŪPĀKSHA II AND THE FALL OF THE SANGAMA DYNASTY (A.D.
1465-1485).
Though Virupaksha succeeded in establishing himself on the throne,
he was not able to enforce his authority over the empire. The eastern seaboard
extending from the Gundlakamma to the Kāverī, the southern Karnataka, and the
bulk of the Western Andhra districts, were under the sway of the Saluvas who nominally
acknowledged his overlordship, but governed their possessions virtu- ally as
independent princes. The successors of Mallikarjuna seem to have retired to the
banks of the Kaveri in the south, and ruled over parts of the Tanjore, South
Arcot, Trichinopoly, Coimbatore, Salem and Madura districts in their own right,
without any reference to the authority of Virupaksha. Similarly, on the west
coast the Tuluva and the Konkani nobles, who were busy with their local feuds,
paid little or no attention to his behests. His authority was thus confined
mostly to Karnataka and portions of the Western Andhra country, although he
seized the Diamond Throne of the Rayas of Vijayanagara.
The first few years of the reign of Virüpäksha II were unevent-
ful. With the death, however, of the Gajapati Kapilendra in A.D. 1470,20a the
political conditions in the Deccan began to change rapidly. The Bahmani Sultan,
who was held in check until that time by the fear of an attack from the
Gajapati, invaded Vijaya- nagara possessions in Konkan on the west coast.
Muhammad Shah III, at the instance of his Prime Minister, the famous Mahmud
Gävän, sent him at the head of a large army. The first target of his attack was
Sankara Rão of Khelna. The fort was impregnable and Mahmud Gävän succeeded in
capturing it after two years, more by judicious distribution of bribes than by
prowess. Next he planned an attack on Goa both by land and sea, and succeeded
in making him- self master of the place before Virupaksha could think of
concert- ing measures for its defence. The loss of Goa was indeed a severe blow
to Vijayanagara. As the principal port on the west coast, it commanded the
trade with Western Asia, Africa, and Europe which brought much money into the
treasury. The loss of the port cut off not only a lucrative source of income to
the State but also the traffic in horses which was essential for keeping up its
military strength. Virupaksha did not easily reconcile himself to the loss of
Goa. He made at least two attempts to recapture the port. Some two years after
the loss, Birkana Ray (? Vira Kanna Rāya), the ruler of Belgaum, with the help
of the chief of Bankapur, attacked Goa at his instance. On hearing this, Sultan
Muhammad Shah III, accompanied by Mahmud Gāvān, marched at the head of a vast
army and laid siege to the fort of Belgaum. Though Birkana Ray offered stout
resistance for some time, he was ultimately obliged to submit and enter into
the order of nobility of the Bahmani court. With the defeat of Birkana Ray, the
expedition against Goa collapsed, and the Bahmanī Sultan kept his hold on the
city. Ano- ther attempt was made in 1481. Immediately after the execution of
the great minister and the consequent confusion in the Bahmanī kingdom,
Virupaksha sent an expedition against Goa to drive away the Bahmani garrison
and recapture the port. Muhammad Shah, who was at that time in Belgaum,
directed Yusuf 'Adil Khän to march with his force to rescue the garrison, and
he appears to have been successful in repelling the Vijayanagara attack. The success
of 'Adil Khan at Goa opened the way for an invasion of Vijaya- nagara
possessions in Tulu-rajya. Gopradāna Keŝari (Go Faridun Kaisar Khan), the
Sultan of Bidire, sent an army under his com- mander Nijām-ud-din Maluka (Malik
Nizam-ud-din) against the territories of the chiefs of Nagire and Honnävür in
the Tulu-rajya. The results of the expedition are not definitely known. The
Nagire chiefs appear to have been successful in driving back the Musul- māns.
As a consequence of the operations of Mahmüd Gāvān in Konkan and the west
coast, Virupaksha II lost not only the sea- board of northern Konkan but also
the bulk of northern Karnataka.
The death of Kapilendra plunged the coastal Andhra country into
the throes of civil war, and offered an excellent opportunity for the Raya of
Vijayanagara to win back his lost dominion; but Virü- paksha did not rise to
the occasion. He failed to take advantage of the situation to recover the
prestige of his government and the affection of his subjects. His failure,
however, provided Säluva Narasimha, one of the prominent noblemen of his
kingdom, a splendid opportunity to emerge as the saviour of the kingdom, and
the custodian of the power of the Rayas.
Saluva Narasimha was the eldest son of Saluva Gunda, the chief of
Chandragiri in Chittoor district. He seems to have succeeded to the family
estate about A.D. 1456. At the time of his succession, his authority could not
have been great, though besides his family fief of Chandragiri, he seems to
have held an estate in the neighbour- hood of Nagar, in the Tirukkoyilur taluk
of the South Arcot district. The weakness of the central government at
Vijayanagara subsequent to the defeat of Mallikarjuna at the hands of Gaṇadeva
in A.D. 1454, and the loss of the Kondaviḍu-räjya enabled him to enlarge his
territory. The frequent attacks of the Gajapati on Vijayanagara culminating in
the invasion of 1463, created anarchy and confusion in the kingdom. The
assassination of Mallikarjuna and the usurpation of the throne by Virupaksha II
gave a further impetus to the forces of disintegration; and the nobles and the
captains, though they outwardly acknowledged the supremacy of the Raya, acted
pretty much as they liked. It must have been dur ing these years of anarchy
that Säluva Narasimha laid the founda- tions of his power. He had already made
himself master of Chittoor, the two Arcols, and the Kolar districts by the
beginning of Viru- paksha's reign. His power was so great that Mallikarjuna's
young son, Rajasekhara, sought refuge at his court.
Saluva Narasimha resolved very early in his career to free his
country from the yoke of Orissa. The illness of Kapilendra and the outbreak of
dissensions among his sons subsequent to his death in A.D. 1470 gave him the
opportunity he was waiting for. He appears to have begun his campaign against
the Gajapati in A.D. 1469, and after defeating the Oriya force captured the
fort of Udayagiri which was the southern gate, as it were, of the coastal
Andhra country. The progress of his expedition was checked at this stage by an
invasion of the Chola and Tondaimandalam countries by the Pandya chief
Bhuvanaikavīra Samarakolāhala at the head of the Chevulapotu (Lambakarna)
forces who are said to have established themselves in the land of the Tigulas
(i.e. Tamils). Nara- simha expelled the invaders and pursued them as far as
Rāmeśvaram, where he received presents sent by the Buddhist king of Ceylon and
the rulers of other islands. He then proceeded in a south-westerly direction
and reached Anantaśayanam (Trivandrum) where he stayed for some time,
conducting operations against the Gurukarņas (i.e. Lambakarnas) who probably
lived somewhere in the neighbourhood.
Having thus settled the affairs of his southern territories by
chastising the Pandyas and their Lambakarṇa allies, Saluva Narasimha returned
to resume the campaign against Orissa, where im- portant changes had taken
place in the meantime. Muhammad Shah Bahmanī had become master not only of
Telingana but also of the coastal Andhra country. But partly by diplomacy and partly
by military victories, Sâluva Narasimha completely achieved his object. He
conquered the whole of the coastal Andhra country to the south of the Krishna,
captured the port of Masulipatam, and took possession of the fort of Kondavidu
in A.D. 1480. He thus came into possession of the country between the
Vijayanagara and the Bahmani territories in the east coast and became the
greatest and most powerful of all the rulers of Telingana and Vijayanagara.
The acquisition of Kondavidu involved Saluva Narasimha in a war
with Bahmani Sultan, who not only captured this fort but even advanced as far
as Kanchi and sacked it. But the murder of Mahmud Gāvān, which shortly
followed, changed the triumph of the Bahmanis into a veritable disaster. As
mentioned above, in chapter XI, this was brought about by a false accusation
against the minister by his enemies. But a different version of the affair is
given by Sakhawi who wrote about it between A.D. 1481 and 1497. He knows
nothing about the forged letter of Gavan to the king of Orissa, According to
him the Sultan was away from the Khvāja for seventeen days on a campaign in
Narsing's country. Taking advantage of this opportunity, some of Sultan's
favourite ministers came to the Khvāja and warned him that Narsing's army would
make a night attack upon his camp. He therefore took neces- sary precautions,
and made immediate preparations to ward off the expected attack. The ministers
of the Sultan then returned to him and informed him that the Khvaja was making
preparations to attack the Sultan himself. The latter thereupon summoned the
Khvāja to his presence and ordered his execution. This is the account of
Sakhawi. What probably provoked the Sultan to order the immediate execution of
the Khvāja was an incident which happened near Kandukur where the Khvāja was
encamped. Iśvara, the commander-in-chief of Saluva Narasimha's army, attacked
the Sultan's cavalry and destroyed it in a fierce battle. This, coupled with
the defensive measures concerted by the Khvāja, appears to have convinced the
Sultan that Gävän was actually in league with his enemies. He therefore
immediately ordered, without hesitation. the execution of the great minister.
However that may be, Muham- mad Shah lost all the spoils of his Kāñchi
expedition and was morti- fied by his defeat at the hands of the infidels. It
was probably to recover his prestige that he sent an expedition under Yusuf
‘Adil Khan and Fakhr-ul-Mulk against Säluva Narasimha from his camp at
Kandukur, and himself marched in person on Masulipatam and its dependent
territory still under Narasimha's rule. Though the Sultan succeeded in
capturing Masulipatam, the expedition led by Yusuf 'Adil Khan and Fakhr-ul-Mulk
ended in a disaster.
The Varāha-purāņam mentions a number of places which Săluva Narasimha's
commander-in-chief, Iśvara Nayaka, conquered on be- half of his master. Of
these, Udayadri (Udayagiri) and Nellore must have been reduced to subjection
during his campaign against the Gajapati in A.D. 1469-70. Amūru (Chingleput)
and Kovela (1.e. Śrirangam), as well as Bonagiri and Chenji, mentioned in the
Jaimini-Bhāratam, must have been conquered during his southern campaign in A.D.
1470. Kongu-Dhārāpuri (Coimbatore), Kundāni (Salem), Seringapatam or
Śrīrangapatnam, Nāgamangalam, and Ban- galore as well as Penugonda (Anantapur)
and Gandikoļa (Cuddapah), must have been brought under his control in his
campaign against the nobles and Nayaks, who refused to acknowledge his
authority, between A.D. 1481 and 1485. Special mention must be made of the
chiefs of Ummattur who offered stubborn resistance to Saluva Nara- simha and
his successors. They held sway over a large part of the southern and eastern
Mysore districts and were masters of the two island fortresses of
Srirangapatnam and Śivansamudram in the Kāveri. Devanna Udaiyar. Nanjarāja and
Vira Somaraya, who ruled at this time, acknowledged no overlord, but issued
charters in their own right as independent princes. To make himself master of
the upper Kāverī valley, Saluva Narasimha had to crush them. It was in this
connection that he conquered Nagamandala (Nāgamangala), Srirangapatnam and
Bangalore. Another powerful enemy whom he overthrew at Penugonda about this
time was the Turushka who allied himself with a powerful Sabara chief called
Pikkilļu. Who Pikkilļu was and why he joined the Turushkas are matters on which
no information is available at present. The Turushkas were no doubt the Bahmanī
soldiers whom Muhammad Shah had despatched from Kandukur under the leadership
of Yusuf 'Adil Khan and Fakhr-ul-Mulk. In the encounter with Narasimha's forces
they were defeated and sought safety in flight; and Pikkilļu lost his life.
Sāluva Narasimha thus became the virtual master practically of the
whole of the Vijayanagara empire. The measures concerted by Virupaksha II to
check the growth of his powers are not known. The Portuguese chronicler Nuniz,
who wrote about the middle of the sixteenth century, gives little credit to
Virūpäksha for anything good. He was a bad king sunk in vice, and the vast
kingdom which he seized began to fall to pieces. He was murdered about the end
of A.D. 1485 by one of his sons, who, however, renounced his right to the
throne in favour of his younger brother, Padearao i.e. Prauḍha Devarāya.
Praudha Devaraya, who thus obtained the kingdom from his elder
brother, was a grown up prince who had been associated with his father in the
administration of the empire since A.D. 1471. He was a feeble dissolute prince
utterly unworthy of the throne which ho was called on to occupy. He is said to
have been totally indifferent to the affairs of the State; but even if he were
different in his character, he could not have prevailed against such a powerful
vassal as Sāluva Narasimha. The character of Prauḍha Devaraya, however,
provided a pretext to Saluva Narasimha to seize the throne for himself in the
interests of the empire. The time was propitious. All the important vassals
were subdued and the political affairs in Orissa and the Bahmani kingdom were
such that there was no fear of intervention from these quarters on behalf of
Prauḍha Devaraya. Therefore Saluva Narasimha resolved to seize the opportunity.
At first he won over the nobles to his side by offering them valuable presents;
and when he felt sure of their support, he sent his army under Narasa Nayaka,
the son of Isvara Nāyaka, to Vijayanagara with instructions to expel Praudha
Devaraya from the capital and take possession of the throne and kingdom in his
name. Narasa met with no opposition; and when he entered the capital, Praudha
Deva- raya fled from it, and took refuge in a foreign country. With the flight
of Prauḍha Devaraya, the rule of the Sangama dynasty came to an end. Saluva
Narasimha soon followed Narasa Nayaka to the capital, and celebrated his
coronation about the close of A.D. 1485.
10. SALUVA NARASIMHA (A.D. 1485-1490)
Like most usurpers, Saluva Narasimha found that it was easier to
capture the throne than to enforce his authority in the kingdom. The captains
and the chiefs who lent him support in seizing the crown were unwilling to
submit to his yoke; and consequently, he was obliged to fight against his
erstwhile supporters and friends. Among these the Sambetas of Peranipäḍu in the
Gandikota Sīmu and the Palaigārs of Ummattur and Talakadu in the Hoysala-rājyu
deserve special mention. Sambeta Sivaraja offered stubborn resist- ance, but,
as the fortifications of his headquarters Maddigundala could not withstand a
sustained artillery attack, the fort fell and Sivaraja perished with most of
his followers at the hands of the enemy.
Narasimha had also to carry on a prolonged fight against the
Pälaigārs of Ummattur and Sangitapura who held sway over the Mysore district
and Tulu-nāḍu respectively. Though he appears to have succeeded in imposing his
authority over Tulu-nāḍu during the last years of his reign, the chiefs of
Ummattur remained un- subdued until the time of his death.
The collapse of the Bahmanī power in Telingāna after the death of
Muhammad Shah III in A.D. 1482, and the preoccupation of Sāluva Narasimha with
preparations for the usurpation of the throne of Vijayanagara, left the field
open for the ruler of Orissa, Purushottama Gajapati, who took full advantage of
the situation. He seized the coastal Andhra country up to Vinikonda in the
Guntur district as early as A.D. 1484-85, and then attacked the fort of Udayagiri
some time after Narasimha had usurped the throne. The attack was completely
successful. According to some accounts, Sāluva Narasimha, who was in the fort
at the time, was taken prisoner, and he had to surrender it to the Gajapati as
the price of freedom. Whether Saluva Narasimha was taken prisoner by Puru-
shottama cannot be verified, but about the loss of Udayagiri, there is hardly
any room for doubt.
Säluva Narasimha died early in A.D. 1490. His services to the
kingdom of Vijayanagara can be hardly over-estimated. It is true. that he
expelled the old dynasty and usurped the throne. But it is possible to construe
his action in a more favourable light and to regard the act of usurpation as
due not so much to his ambition to sit upon the Diamond Throne as to a desire
to protect the Hindu kingdom and thereby save the Hindu dharma from the
neighbour- ing Muslim kingdom. With this end in view he befriended the Arab
merchants and purchased the best horses in the market to improve the condition
of his cavalry, which, under his successors, contri- buted a great deal to the
military glory of Vijayanagara. He also transformed the peace-loving farmers of
Vijayanagara into a nation of warriors, and taught them how to contend on equal
terms with the Muslims and the Oriyas on the field of battle. In short, it may
be said that Säluva Narasimha infused fresh vigour into the body politic and
rescued the State from destruction.
11. NARASA NÄYAKA (A.D. 1490-1503)
As Säluva Narasimha had only two sons who were too young to govern
the kingdom, he appointed, at the time of his death, his minister Narasa Nayaka
as the guardian of the princes and the re- gent of the kingdom, with
instruction to hand over the kingdom, after the princes had attained majority,
to the one whom he consi- dered more worthy to rule. But, on the death of his
master, Narasa Nayaka placed on the throne Timma, the elder son, who had been
holding the office of Yuvaraja under his father. As Timma was too young to
shoulder the burdens of the State, Narasa Nayaka became the real ruler of the
kingdom.
The task that devolved upon the shoulders of Narasa Nayaka was by
no means light. Saluva Narasimha had no time to consoli- date his position and
establish his power firmly at Vijayanagara. Though most of the nobles and
subordinate chiefs submitted to his authority, they showed no disposition to
acknowledge the supremacy of his sons and allow themselves to be governed by
the protector. Besides, he had to reckon with the two eternal foreign enemics
of the kingdom, the Bahmani Sultan and the Gajapati.
By dint of numerous military campaigns Narasa Nāyaka re- stored
the integrity of the kingdom, and the enemies whom he had conquered during the
thirteen years that he governed the empire are enumerated in all the records of
his descendants. We learn from them that he not only subdued Chera, Chola,
Pandya and other localities in South India, but also defeated the Gajapati, and
took 'Adil Khan a prisoner. These claims had a good foundation.
Reference has been made above to the complete collapse of the
authority of the Bahmani king about the time when Saluva Nara- simha died. The
king Mahmud Shāh was a mere tool in the hands of his Prime Minister Qāsim
Barid, and powerful nobles like Ahmad Nizam-ul-Mulk and 'Adil Khan behaved like
independent rulers in their own domains. Qasim Barïd, jealous of the growing
power of 'Adil Khän, entered into an alliance with Bahadur Gilānī, the ruler of
Konkan, and Narasa Nayaka, who made a simultaneous attack on Bijapur. Narasa
Nayaka marched into the Krishna-Tungabhadrā doab and captured the forts of
Raichur and Mudgal. 'Adil Khân was forced to buy peace by ceding these two
forts, but as soon as he was free from other troubles, he tried to recover them
and de- clared war against Vijayanagara. Narasa Nayaka composed his quarrels at
home, of which 'Adil Khan hoped to take advantage, and marched with a powerful
army to oppose the invader.
In a battle that took place in the course of the campaign, 'Adil
Khăn sustained a severe defeat and was obliged to seek shelter under the walls
of the fortress of Mänava. Narasa, who followed hard upon his heels, invested
the fort and shut out all egress and ingress. Realizing his own helpless
condition, 'Adil Khan resolved to get rid of him by means of treachery. He
invited Narasa and the king, as well as the nobles and officers of their court,
for a peace- conference, and when they arrived, he treacherously attacked them,
and succeeded in putting most of them to death. Narasa Nayaka and his young
master effected their escape, but apprehending trouble from his rivals in the
capital, Narasa, hurried to Vijaya- nagara and left 'Adil Khan free to subdue
the doāb.
The Gajapati king Prataparudra also led an expedition against
Vijayanagara and advanced up to the Pennar, but he seems to have been defeated
and driven back. Narasa Nayaka is credited with victory over the Gajapati in
all the Tuluva records; and, as the boundaries between the two kingdoms
remained unchanged,Pratāparudra's invasion does not appear to have produced any
mate- rial results.
But Narasa had numerous internal enemies and they were scal- tered
all over the empire. They included many of the ministers of the king and
nobles, as well as the dependent chiefs subject to his authority. A certain
minister. who was not well disposed towards Narasa Nayaka, slew king Timma and
proclaimed that at the instance of the protector his master had been slain, no
doubt ex- pecting that the protector would be put to death for that act of
treason. To clear himself of the accusation, Narasa immediately placed on the
throne the younger son of Saluva Narasimha called Immaḍi Narasimha or Dhamma
Tammaraya. The new king, how- ever, turned against the protector and began to
show marked favour to his rival. Narasa found it difficult to remain in the
capital. He, therefore, repaired to Penugonda on the pretext of going on a hunt
and, having gathered forces, marched upon the capital and invested it. Immadi
Narasimha was obliged to sue for peace and accept him as the guardian of his person
and the protector of the empire. Narasa Nayaka entered the city in great
triumph, and his authority was established more firmly than ever. In order to
prevent the king from causing him embarrassment in the future, Narasa, under
the pretence of securing his safety, kept him under custody at Penu- gonda and
governed the kingdom as if he were its master.
Next, Narasa Nayaka had to undertake an expedition against the
chiefs and nobles in the southern provinces. On the death of Saluva Narasimha
the chiefs of the Chola, the Pandya and the Chera countries seem to have
asserted their independence. Narasa defeated them all, captured Madura, and
proceeded to Rāmeśvaram at the head of his army. These victories secured him
effective con- trol over the Tamil provinces of the empire. He next turned his
attention to Western Karnataka, where the Palaigārs of Ummattur and their
allies had raised the standard of rebellion. He captured the island fort of
Seringapatam, the most important of the rebel strongholds, and the Heuna or
Hoysala chief, who was the leader of the rebels, was taken prisoner. The fall
of Seringapatam and the capture of its ruler broke the back of the rebellion,
and Narasa's authority was as firmly established in Karṇāṭaka as in the Tamil
country.
Narasa Nāyaka was the de facto sovereign of Vijayanagara during the nominal rule of the sons of Narasimha. He was called the rakshākartā (protector) and svāmi (Lord); he held the offices of the senadhipati (commander-in-chief), the mahapradhana (Prime Minister), and the karyakarta (agent) of the king. The admini- stration of the empire was carried on by him in the name of the king. He assumed the royal titles, sat upon the Diamond Throne, and was spoken of as Svāmi (the lord), a form of address usually re- served for the king. Though Narasa Nayaka imprisoned the king and usurped the kingdom, he kept up appearances. The usurpation of power by him was justified, as in the case of Saluva Narasimha, by the exigencies of the situation. The work, left half accomplished by Saluva Narasimha, was continued by him; he practically restored the ancient boundaries of the kingdom by reducing to subjection all the rebellious chiefs who asserted independence during the last days of the Sangama kings. He found the State in convalescent con- dition, imparted fresh strength to the body politic, and left it in full vigour, pulsating with new life. Narasa died in A.D. 1503, be- queathing the king and the kingdom to his eldest son, Vira Narasimha.
Narasa Nayaka was a munificent patron of letters, and several
distinguished scholars and poets flourished at his court. Like all his
descendants, he fondly cherished Telugu; he invited several eminent poets to
his court, encouraged them to compose poems, and rewarded them richly by
liberal grants of land and money. The Telugu literature which was intimately
connected with the Vijaya- nagara court since the days of Harihara I and Bukka
I, and was fostered by Saluva Narasimha, received a fresh impetus from Narasa
Nayaka and bloomed forth in great splendour in the time of his more illustrious
sons.
12. VĪRA NARASIMHA (A.D. 1503-1509)
Narasa Nayaka was succeeded by his eldest son Vira Narasimha as
the regent of the kingdom. Though the king, Immadi Narasimha, was now a prince
grown up in years and capable of managing his own affairs, the new regent
showed no inclination to lay down his office and retire into the background. He
was, on the contrary, resolved to set aside the king and usurp the throne.
Feeling that the existence of Immadi Narasimha was an impediment to the success
of his schemes, he caused his ward and master to be assassinated in the fort of
Penugonda where he was confined, and proclaimed himself king in A.D. 1505. Immaḍi
Narasimha was an unfortunate prince whom fate dealt with unkindly. The death of
his father and elder brother, when he was still too young to grasp the reins of
government, placed him at the mercy of ambitious men who from the beginning
plotted against him and ultimately com- passed his death. He chafed in vain
against circumstances but gained nothing by it except loss of freedom and
death. With him ended the brief rule of the Saluva monarchs at Vijayanagara
yield- ing place to a new line of kings under whom the empire rose to great
magnificence and power.
Vira Narasimha ruled as the king of Vijayanagara for five years.
His rule was a period of turmoil. His usurpation of the throne evoked much
opposition, and the whole kingdom is said to have revolted under its nobles.
He, however, subdued most of them and compelled them to acknowledge his
sovereignty. The names of all the enemies conquered by him have not come down
to us; but the most important of them are mentioned in the inscriptions and
contemporary Telugu literature.
The first that demands attention was Kacha or Kāśappa Uḍaiya, the
chief of Adavani (Adoni), whose authority seems to have ex- tended from Adavani
on the Tungabhadra to Penugonda in the Anantapur district. Kacha was not by
himself a dangerous enemy, but his alliance with Yusuf 'Adil Khân and the
possible friendship with the rebellious Pālaigärs of Ummattur made him
formidable. Ever since his treacherous attack upon Narasa Nayaka in A.D. 1490,
Yusuf 'Adil Khan had been making attempts to bring the whole of the
Krishna-Tungabhadrã-doab under his sway. At his instance, the Bahmani king
Mahmûd Shah persuaded all the assembled nobles of his court to join him and
wage a religious war on the infidels of Vijayanagara. The first jihad, in
accordance with the compact of Bidar, as it was called, took place in A.D. 1502,
the last year of the regency of Narasa Nayaka. The Muslim army met with little
or no opposition. Mahmud Shah conquered the doab with its two famous
strongholds, Raichur and Mudgal, and handed over the con- quered territory to
Yusuf 'Adil Khan. The acquisition of the doab whetted the appetite of 'Adil
Khan for more territory, and the usurpation of Vira Narasimha and the
consequent rebellions of the nobles against him, offered a suitable opportunity
for realizing his object. He entered into an alliance with Kasappa Uḍaiya, the
governor of the important fort of Adavani on the Tungabhadra, and marching at
the head of his army into the Vijayanagara territory laid siege to the fort of
Kandanavolu (Kurnool). The object of "Adil Khan was probably to capture
Kandanavolu, and then effecting a junction with Kaśappa Udaiya at Adavani,
proceed against Vijayanagara itself along the Tungabhadrä valley. 'Adil Khan,
how- ever, failed to achieve his object. The Arevidu chief, Ramaraja I, and his
son Timma, whom Vira Narasimha sent against 'Adil Khan, inflicted a crushing
defeat on him, and as he was retreating hastily towards Ādavani, destroyed his
forces again in a battle some- where in the neighbourhood of that fort and
expelled him from Vijayanagara territory. They next invested Adavani fort and
took possession of it. Vira Narasimha, who was immensely delighted to see the
defeat and destruction of his enemies, bestowed Kandanavolu and Adavani on the
Areviḍu princes as fiefs, and decorated Timma with the anklet of the heroes.
Vira Narasimha next turned his attention to the subjugation of the
rebels in the Karṇața and Tulu districts of the empire. He at first besieged
the fort of Ummattur but failed to take it. He then proceeded against
Seringapatam, but the enemy sallied out of the fort and inflicted a defeat on
the royal forces with the help of the chiefs of Ummattur and Talakādu. Vīra
Narasimha's attempt to force the Karṇāṭaka rebels to submit to his authority
thus ended in. total failure. He was, however, completely successful in dealing
with the rebels on the west coast. Having crossed the Ghats, Vira Narasimha
reduced the whole of Tulu-naḍ to subjection and took possession of all its
ports. He next began to concert measures to renew his campaign in Karṇāṭaka,
but before he could complete these preparations, he fell ill and died, leaving
the task of complet ing his work to his successor.
Though Vira Narasimha was continuously engaged in warfare
throughout the short period of his reign, he found time to improve the efficiency
of his army by introducing certain changes in the methods of recruitment and
training of his forces. To improve the condition of his cavalry, he offered
tempting prices to horse-dealers and attracted them to Bhatakal and other
Tuluva ports which c had conquered. The monopoly which the Arab and Persian
merchants had enjoyed heretofore was effectively broken by the Portuguese who
bore no love for the Muslims. Vīra Narasimha sent one of his ministers to
Almeida, the Governor of the Portuguese possessions, and concluded a treaty
with them for purchasing all the horses that they imported from abroad. He also
recruited all effi- cient candidates, irrespective of casie or creed, as
troopers and trainers. Vīra Narasimha infused warlike spirit among his subjects
by encouraging all kinds of military exercises. Men of every social rank and
profession became thoroughly war-minded, and cowardice was condemned as the
most disgraceful thing among the Raya's subjects. They delighted in military
exercise and flocked to the standards of the Raya to fight against the Muslims.
Vira Narasimha took keen interest in the welfare of the rāyats. He
was ready to listen to their grievances and alleviate their distress as far as
possible. One of the important reforms which he intro- duced to lighten their
burden was the abolition of marriage-tax. He was only a pioneer in this
respect. The reform which he timidly introduced only in one or two localities
was made applicable to almost the whole of the empire by his more illustrious
younger brother and successor. The credit of initiating this popular reform,
however, belongs really to Vira Narasimha, though this fact is ignored by
historians.
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