The
civilizational role of Islam in the Indian
subcontinent: The Delhi sultanate
Arshad Islam
Associate Professor in the Department of History and Civilization, International Islamic University Malaysia. Email: arshad@iium. edu.my.
Abstract:
Muslim presence was manifest in the coastal regions of Southern India from the earliest days of Islam, as evidenced by the establishment of Arab trading settlements, with minor political impact prior to the conquests in Northern India from the beginning of the 8th century, which solidified the influence of Islam leading to tangible political and socio-cultural impacts in the region. The history of India furnishes an amazing picture of the syntheses of many divergent cultural trends which were gradually transformed by a process of mutual adjustment and assimilation. Islam played a significant role in this by contributing to India’s multi-cultural and multi-religious ethos, embedding the subcontinent in the Arab-Islamic maritime civilization, stretching from southern Africa to China, particularly in connecting Africa as well as the great Turkic empires of Central Asia. It offers a pertinent example of the interaction of human minds and the effects of cultural and civilizational contacts on indigenous customs, religion, literature and arts. This paper examines the impact of Islam in the Indian Peninsula from three different angles: its political predominance, its intellectual and cultural impact, and finally, its influence on art and architecture. Based mainly on Arabic and Persian sources, the article focuses on the intellectual legacy, achievements and the role that the Indian Muslims played in the Indian subcontinent during the Delhi Sultanate, the first major Islamic political authority to govern large parts of South Asia.
Keywords:
Art and architecture, Civilizational impact of Islam, Delhi sultanate, India, Muslims.
Abstrak: Kewujudan orang Islam bertapak di kawasan-kawasan pantai Selatan India sejak bermulanya Islam di sana. Hal ini terbukti melalui penubuhan asal penempatan perdagang-perdagang Arab dengan kesan kecil politik sebelum penaklukan India Utara yang bermula pada Abad Ke-8. Hal ini dapat penyatupadukan pengaruh Islam terhadap politik beserta kesan sosio-budaya di wilayah tersebut. Sejarah India memberikan gambaran yang menakjubkan tentang penyatuan aliran budaya yang berbeza yang mana budaya tersebut, berubah sedikit demi sedikit melalui proses penyesuaian bersama dan melalui asimilasi. Islam memainkan peranan yang signifikan dengan menyumbang kepada keperbagaian budaya India serta etika-etika pelbagai agama. Hal ini termaktub dalam ketamadunan sub benua Arab Islam Maritim yang menjangkau dari Afrika Selatan hingga ke Negeri Cina, terutamanya dengan menyambungkan Afrika, termasuk empayar-empayar Turki di Asia Tengah. Ia memberikan satu contoh yang penting dalam interaksi minda manusia melalui kesan-lesan budaya dan ketamadunan hubungan antara adat resam, agama, kesusasteraan dan kesenian. Kertas kerja ini menguji kesan Islam di Semenanjung India daripada tiga sudut yang berbeza: kekuasaan politiknya, kesan intelek dan budayanya, dan akhir sekali dari segi pengaruh kesenian dan senibinanya. Berdasarkan sumber-sumber utama dari Arab dan Parsi, artikel ini memfokuskan terhadap legasi intelek, pencapaiannya, dan peranan yang dimainkan oleh orang Islam dalam sub-benua India semasa pemerintahan Kesultanan Delhi, kuasa politik Islam yang utama dalam pemerintahan sebahagian besar Asia Selatan.
Kata
Kunci: Kesenian dan senibina, Kesan ketamadunan Islam, Kesultanan Delhi, India, Orang Islam.
Introduction
Sind has always been a major route for communication and trade between India and the Silk Route; also serving as the gateway of Islamic and Turkic political and immigrant incursion into India (Nadvi, 1932, pp. 13-14; Andre Wink, 1990, p. 513). Muhammad ibn Qasim al-Thaqfi (d.716) was the first to facilitate dialogue between Islam and India, leading to many local conversions as recorded by Al-Baladhuri (d. 892) and Buzurg ibn Shahriyar (d. 955) (Al-Baladhuri, 1932, p.446; al Ramhurmuzi, 1883-86, p.3). The strategic and commercial importance of Sind was immense – economy- wise it produced large quantities of grains and other crops as well as livestock from mountainous regions (Ansar Zahid, 1980, p.196; Arshad Islam, 2001, p. 194).
The
present study does not seek to recount the historical events of various conquests and invasions of the
Indian north, which are extensively
documented in the historical literature (e.g. the Influence of Islam on Indian
Culture by Tara Chand, and Islam in the Indian
Subcontinent by Annemarie Schimmel), nor does it aim to discuss the antiquity of the Muslim presence in
India, which is also well known from the
legends of Raja Bhoja of Ujjain and the Arab Muslim settlers in coastal ports. Historically, the
advent of Islam to the Indian
Subcontinent began with the conquest of Sind in 711-12 (Chand,
2011, p. 32; Schimmel, 1980, pp. 3-4).
The Sind and later the Delhi Sultanate
formed the springboard of Islam’s spread southward, which is the
main concern of this discussion related
to the civilizational role of Islam.
‘Civilization’
has been understood as urbanization, labour
differentiation, concentration of surplus production, presence of
class structure and the state-level
organization, and generally associated with monumental and cultural accoutrements
(Violatti, 2014). In this paper, we
delimit the civilizational role of Islam to its impact on the social structure, organization and culture of
native Indian societies, comprising a
majority of Buddhist and Hindu populations within the geographical limits of the Delhi Sultanate.
Islam’s civilizational impact may be
broadly divided into two interrelated categories: the early period associated with the Arab-Islamic,
Umayyad and Abbasid powers in West Asia;
and the later period consisting of the Delhi Sultanate, characterized mainly by Turkish and Afghan
rulers from Central Asia and
Afghanistan.
This paper postulates that the increasing autonomy and independence of the rulers from the early central authority of the Arab caliphates led to the emergence of a local civilizational dynamic, distinct from the initial civilizational influence of the Muslim conquest of Sind. For example, local Muslim rulers under the influence of the central authority did not seem to impose new religio-social patterns or try to change the social structure of Sind, or attempt mass conversions (Al-Biruni, 1964, p.11; Schimmel, 1980, p. 4). Al-Baladhuri quoted Muhammad ibn al Qasim as saying: “The temples shall be unto us like the churches of the Christians, the synagogues of the Jews, and the fire temples of the Magians” (al-Baladhuri, 1964, p. 538). In other words, Muhammad ibn al-Qasim considered Buddhists and Hindus to be equal to ahl-al-Kitab (People of the Book), protected minorities who paid jizya (protection tax) in exchange for exemption from military service and given a large measure of religious freedom, as well as general freedom to conduct their business and regulate their intra-religious legal affairs. The elevation of Hindus to the status of Dhimmis on par with ahl-al-Kitab was a remarkable and delineates the basic nature of Islamic governance in India, distinct from the treatment of the idolaters of the Arabian Peninsula.
The
status of ahl-al-Kitab was originally given to the Christians and Jews. When the neighbouring regions populated
by Zoroastrians and other communities
were conquered by the Muslims, these communities were given the status of Mushabih
ahl-al-Kitab (those resembling the
people of the Book) and thereby they were accorded the status of the protected people (Qazi Abu Yusuf, 1352
A.H., p.128; Abu Ubaid Qasim, 1969, pp.
44-45). There is no difference in their respective positions except that while the Muslims are
allowed to marry women of ahl-al-Kitab
and eat the meat slaughtered according to their religious rites, this is not permitted in the case of
Mushabih Ahl-al-Kitab. When Muhammad bin
Qasim conquered Sind in the beginning of the eight century, the same status was given to the communities
inhibiting the region (al-Kufi, 1983,
pp. 208-209). Therefore their legal position in
India during the medieval period was that of the protected people. Succeeding generations of Muslim scholars and
rulers continued to accept this position
and discordant voices have been very rare and
almost negligible.
As the Abbasid power and authority waned and the Turkic world assumed a more vigorous role in Islamic affairs, Indian rulers continued to claim legitimacy from the institution of the caliphate, while exercising increasing autonomy. As a result, the pattern of tolerance of the early religio-social impact gradually changed and made way for the forceful imposition of political domination by the early Turkic conquerors seeking to legitimize their rule by appealing to Islamic commitment (al Biruni, 1964, p. 116; Hudud al-Alam, 1970, p. 89; Aziz Ahmad, 1964, p.100).
Features
of Islam’s civilizational impact
The
early period: The Umayyad and Abbasid incursions
The
initial advance of the Muslims towards the Sind region was related to the conquest of Iran and the flight of its
armies to the east as early as 636, but
the Indian frontier remained tentative until consolidated by Caliph Muawiyah (r. 661-680) (al-Baladhuri,
1964, p. 420; al-Kufi, 1983, pp. 52-55), and Sind’s systematic conquest took
place only in 712 under al-Walid ibnʿAbd
al-Malik (r.705-715). Al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf
(d.714), the Umayyad viceroy, invested the command of the army in Sind to Muhammad ibn Qasim, who completed the
task of subjugating the region by the
end of 712, whereupon Sind became an Umayyad
province (Al-Tabari, 1964, pp.1170-75; al-Kufi, 1983, pp. 180-85).
Muhammad
ibn al-Qasim and his immediate successors maintained the social structure of Sind and adopted Sindhi
languages as well as Arabic in their
personal communication, and also adopted local clothing and cuisine (Al-Baladhuri, 1964, p. 446;
al-Kufi, 1983, p. 151). Trade and
commerce was particularly promoted in the newly built Arab cities of Mansura and Mahfuza, and also in the old
city of Multan, and this interchange was
accompanied by linguistic and cultural interactions that resulted in the translation of the Qur’an into
the local language during the 9th
century. This was conducive to the peaceful conversion of some local rulers (Al-Ramhurmuzi, 1883-1886, p. 3),
facilitated by the openness of the
Muslim administration to beneficial aspects of the indigenous culture and magnanimity to vanquished powers
(Al-Baladhuri, 1964, p. 429), but there
was lingering resentment towards the “chandalas” and cow eaters, i.e. Muslims (al-Kufi, 1983, p.
169). During this period, the Arab
presence was mainly restricted to the region of Sind, and generally the Indus marked the farthest area controlled
by Muslims.
In
the interaction between Islamic civilization and Hindu culture, a notable paradox is evident in the way in
which the inherent egalitarianism of the
former, which affirms universal descent from a single man and woman and intrinsic biological equality,
never extirpated the caste system,
despite an obvious religious mandate to oppose it. However, the Muslim rulers of India were reluctant to
deal with the caste system and covertly
tolerated more egregious practices such as sati due to their sensitivity to local customs and the
potential to incite rebellion if they
were perceived to be challenging Hindu beliefs. Despite this, there is
a spirited attempt among modern Hindu
supremacists to blame Muslims for the
escalation of self-immolation from the 7th century onwards (Schimmel, 1980, p.7).
The
great Indologist Al-Biruni, who was fascinated by the sublime aspects of ancient Indic philosophy and
Brahmanic sciences, complained that the
Hindus considered Muslims to be impure for dietary and other reasons, including
wearing shoes in their homes prior to the adoption of the Indian practice of going barefoot
(Al-Biruni, 1964, p. 271). At any rate,
Islam’s social manifestation of egalitarianism was anathema to India’s ancient hierarchical stratification,
which while acting as an impetus for
many people to convert, also caused much adjustment in the local society and life. The Muslim presence
in Sind opened the Islamic world to
Indian mathematics, astronomy and medicine, and Sindis were employed by al-Maʾmun (r. 813-833) in Bait
al-Hikma in Baghdad, and during Harun’s
al-Rashid’s terminal illness a Sindi vaidya (physician), Manka al-Hindi, was sent to Baghdad to treat
the Caliph. Many Indian polymaths were
instrumental in Abbasid high culture and the translation of Sanskrit classics into Arabic. This
reflects a discernible shift in the
centre of Islamic political power to the East during the Abbasid Caliphate, reflecting the greater economic
and cultural importance of Central and
Southern Asia (Ibn al-Athir, 1965, p.184; Ibn Abi Usaybah, 1882, p. 33; Arshad Islam, 2011, p. 42).
The
use of Central Asian and Sindi governors by the Abbasids greatly enhanced the revenues of the
provinces and ensured peace (Ibn
Khurdadhbih, 1967, p. 57; Jaffar, 1943, p. 126), with some sources
citing an annual income of 11,500,000
dirhams and 150 lbs of aloes wood
(Hashimi, 1927, p. 124). One notable example was the confirmation of Anbah ibn Ishaq as governor by Al-Wathiq
Billah (r. 842-847); he maintained law
and order, rebuilt and modified the ruined Buddhist temple of Debal as a central jail, and in 848
restored the ramparts of Debal
(Al-Baladhuri, 1964, p. 437; Al-Yaqubi, 1883, p. 585).
This
general peace continued until the rise of the Ghaznavids in the 11th century and their successive
invasions of Northern India up to
Punjab, the most famous of them being Subuktigin (r. 977-997) and his son Mahmud (Gardizi, 1928, p. 71;
Nazim, 1973, pp. 164-5). Lahore became
the Ghaznavid capital and a major centre of Islamic learning that attracted intellectuals from
the waning centres of Central Asia
(Mirza, 1962, p. i; Chand, 2011, p. 46; Schimmel, 1980, p. 8). The Ghaznavids were replaced in India in 1186 by
the Ghurids (Fakhr-i Mudabbir, 1967, pp. 253-54; Minhaj, 1954, pp. 241-42;
Habibi, 1377, p. 130; Abu Zafar, 1970,
pp. 285-86), who ruled Lahore, Multan and
Sind (Minhaj, 1954, p. 398; Arshad Islam, 2011, p. 52).
The
later period: The consolidation of the Delhi sultanate
The
expansion and consolidation of the Delhi Sultanate happened during what for the purpose of this paper
could be called the later reign,
particularly the period of the thirteenth century onwards. The Ghurids, the Mumluks, the Tughluq and the Khalji
dynasties were at the forefront of this
reign.
Muizz al-Din Muhammad Ghuri (r.1202-1206), born as Shihab al Din Ghuri, was one of the greatest rulers of the Ghurid dynasty, who laid the foundation of Muslim rule in South Asia. He captured Multan in 1175, and the following year he took Uchh and assigned the area to Ali Qirmaj. Within a short time Shihab al-Din conquered the regions of Sind and Punjab and defeated Rae of Ajmer in the famous battle of Tarain in 1192. Ajmer and the entire region of the Siwalikh territory including Hansi, Sarsuati, Samnah and other areas were incorporated into Ghuri dominion. After completing his mission, Sultan Shihab al Din returned to Ghazni assigning the territories of Kuhram and Samnah to his vassal, Malik Qutb al-Din, who captured Meerut, Delhi and Koil in 1193. He ruled over these territories on behalf of the Sultan as his viceroy in India. After the murder of Muizz al-Din Muhammad by an Ismaili, Fidai at Damik in 1206, Qutb al-Din became Sultan of India, laying the foundation of the Delhi Sultanate. He ruled the territories of India till his death in 1210. After his death, Nasir al-Din Qubacha (r.1206-1228) retained Uchh and Multan, and became an independent ruler of Sind until overthrown by Shams al-Din Iltutmish (r. 1210- 1236) (Minhaj, 1954, pp. 124, 403, 419; Muhammad Aziz, 1972, pp. 75-80,98-99).
As
a frontier region, the city of Multan was vulnerable to Mongol attack from 1220 onwards, and it also
received refugees migrating to India to
escape the Mongol invasions of Central Asia, Persia and Afghanistan. During the Mongol occupation of
Khurasan, a large number of fleeing
Muslim scholars, administrators and Sufis took
shelter in Sind, and many of them settled in Multan, then the gateway
to India, making it a great centre of
Islamic learning and culture (Minhaj,
1954, p. 419; Awfi, 1906, p. 551). In 1221, Qubacha faced the
Mongol assault by Chingiz Khan (d. 1227)
who penetrated deep into the region of
Sind in pursuit of the Khawarizmian Sultan Jalal al-Din Minkobarni (r. 1220-1231), son of Sultan Ala al-Din
Muhammad Khawarizm Shah (r. 1200-1220), who was responsible for the initial
provocation of Chingiz Khan to begin his
westward campaigns. The Mongol army
pressed down hard upon Jalal al-Din, who advanced toward Debal to regroup. He was intercepted while crossing
the Indus, where Chingiz Khan instructed
his forces to advance and capture Minkobarni alive, but Jalal al-Din evaded capture and
successfully crossed the Indus in
August-September 1221 (Juwayni, 1912, p. 147; Minhaj, 1954, p. 419; Najeebabadi, 2001, p. 580).
Iltutmish’s
accession to the throne of Delhi was a challenge to the authority of Qubacha; even though both were
sons-in-law of Qutb al Din Aibak, their relationship had never been cordial.
After controlling Delhi, Iltutmish
consolidated his power over the adjoining regions, and ultimately took full advantage of Qubacha’s
problems by occupying Lahore in 1217 and
crushing his adversary in battle. In 1228 Iltutmish decided to make a final assault to oust
Qubacha from Multan and Uchh and
succeeded in achieving his objective (Minhaj, 1954, I, p. 445).
Under Nasir al-Din Qubacha’s benevolent rule, Multan and Uchh emerged as key points of political, socio-cultural and literary activities. His court became a significant meeting place of scholars, notables, poets and eminent ulama from distant regions, embodying the intellectual legacy of Central Asia, Khurasan, Ghur and Ghaznin after the Mongol destruction of the classical civilization of Central Asia (Minhaj, 1954, I, p. 419; Awfi, 1906, p. 551). Notable intellectuals of this period included Sadid al-Din Muhammad Awfi, Shams al-Din Muhammad al Khatib Balkhi, Fadili Multani and Zia al-Din Sijzi. Shams al-Din was an outstanding calligraphist of his age, whom Awfi equated with Ibn al-Bawwab and Ibn Muqlah. In 1226 the renowned historian Minhaj al Siraj was received in the court of Qubacha and consequently appointed the mudir (principal) of the Madrasa-i-Firozia in Uchh, and the qadi of his son’s army. Nasir al-Din Qubacha was a benefactor of scholars, while his Prime Minister, Ain al-Mulk Husain Ash’ari, was a patron of art and literature and his house was a centre for intellectuals. Sadid al Din Muhammad Awfi joined Qubacha’s court in 1220 as the imperial imam and wa’iz (preacher), and was consequently confirmed in the position of chief qadi (Minhaj, 1954, I, pp. 420, 446).
Awfi translated into Persian the well-known Arabic tome al-Faraj ba′d al-Shiddah of Qadi Abu al-Hasan ibn Ali Muhammad ibn Daud (d. 994) and dedicated it to Qubacha. He also composed Lubab al-Albab, commonly assumed to be the earliest known compilation of (Tazkirah) biographies of the Persian poet, and the one that laid the foundation for this genre of literature sponsored by ʿAin al-Mulk Husain al-Ash’ari. He also began the compilation of Jawami al-Hikayat wa-Lawami al Riwayat on the directive of Nasir al-Din Qubacha, but it was only completed in the court of Iltutmish. Similarly, a key Arabic source, Minhaj al-Masalik or Fathnamah-i-Sindh on the history of Sind, was translated into Persian by Ali ibn Hamid ibn Abu Bakr al-Kufi in 1216 (popularly known as Chach-Namah), and dedicated to Ain al-Mulk Husain al-Ashari (Al-Kufi, 1983, p. 8). On the suggestion of Shaykh Baha al-Din Zakariya Multani, Qasim Daud Khatib prepared the earliest translation of ʿAwarif al-Ma’rif into Persian, and dedicated it to Taj al Din Abu Bakr Ayaz (Nazir Ahmad, 1972, pp. 26-29).
Qubacha’s
dynamic drive to encourage literary and intellectual activities could be gauged from his choice of
Minhaj as the principal (mudir) of
Madarsa-i-Firozia in Uchh and the establishment of another institution and sarai (inn) in Multan for
Maulana Qutb al-Din Kashani, one of the
most reputed intellectuals of the age. Qubacha’s keen interest and patronage of scholars created a positive
atmosphere in the region for the writing
of significant works on the religious and literary sciences (Minhaj, 1954, I, p. 420; Farishta, 1884-85,
II, p. 400; Schimmel, 1980, p. 11).
After the death of Muizz al-Din Muhammad ibn Sam, his slave Qutb al-Din Aibak (r. 1206-1210), (whom he had manumitted) ascended the throne of Delhi, and he formally laid the foundation of the Delhi Sultanate. Qutb al-Din Aibak died at Lahore while playing chaughan (polo), and was buried at Anarkali Bazar, Lahore (Minhaj, 1954, p. 55; Quraishi, 1977, p. 5; Hamadani, 1992, p. 45). Aram Shah succeeded him but was soon replaced by Shams al-Din Iltutmish, Aibak’s son in-law. A fight erupted between Muizz al-Din’s slaves and Iltumish but the latter with great tact and courage succeeded in establishing his authority (Aziz Ahmad, 1964, p. 6; Schimmel, 1980, p. 11). Iltumish tactfully averted the Mongol danger to India that had arisen because of Jalal al-Din Minkobarni’s advancement in Sind, while Chingiz Khan had already pursued him and crossed the Indus. Minkobarni sought help from Iltumish who politely declined. Through his diplomatic acumen, Iltumish successfully resolved the issue by killing two birds with one stone. After resolving the strategic issues, he consolidated his power to secure his territorial boundaries. Within a short time, he established a powerful sultanate commanding vast areas of northern India, from Bengal to the frontier of Afghanistan, and he was the first Indian ruler to receive investiture from the Caliph of Baghdad. The period following Iltutmish’s death saw an intense rivalry among the nobility and the rise of the ‘Forty’, a clique of dominant Turkish officers who almost became de facto rulers. This situation ended with the accession of Balban in 1266 (Muhammad Aziz, 1972, pp. 6, 165-67; Lal, 1980, p.1).
Balban
followed the policy of consolidation rather than expansion. He was succeeded by his youthful grandson,
Kayqubad (r. 1287-1290), who indulged
himself in wine and venery and as a result was struck with paralysis. His infant son, Kayumars, was
placed upon the throne (Barani, 2005,
pp. 126, 167; Lal, 1980, pp. 1-5). The Mamluk dynasty came to an end when it was replaced by Jalal al-Din
Firoz Khalji (r. 1290-1296), the founder
of the Khalji dynasty. At the time of accession he was over seventy years old. Partly due to his advanced
age he was mild natured and restrained
himself from taking severe action against rebels (except for Sidi Maula) and he displayed great
leniency to renegades such as Malik
Chajju. However, he was murdered by his ungrateful nephew and son-in-law ‘Ala’al-Din Muhammad Khalji,
in 1296 (Barani, 2005, pp. 218-9,
176-78; Lal, 1980, pp. 6-7, 55-7, 61).
‘Ala’al-Din
left a great mark upon the history of India. He secured his regime and the subcontinent from the
Mongol attack, and united vast areas of
the region. He maintained a huge army by introducing his famous concept of market control, by which he
fixed the price of all commodities,
making it possible for him to recruit a huge army at low cost. He was the first among the Sultans to
have taken interest in rural India and
introduced reforms of far-reaching consequence in revenue system. His reign was marked by peace and
prosperity, and the great expansion of
the Sultanate from north to south. It also witnessed great intellectual and literary activity.
‘Ala’al-Din died in 1316, but after his
death his reforms fell into disuse (Barani, 2005, pp. 295-97, 369;
Isami, 1948, p. 336). He was succeeded
by his son Qutb al-Din Mubarak Shah (r.
1316-1320), who was unable to control the vast sultanate, and rebellions broke out in the far-flung
regions. He was murdered by Khusrau
Khan, a slave from Gujarat, who seized power. Khusrau gave free reign to his
Hindu tribesmen to offend and malign Islam (Barani, 2005, pp. 369, 390; Lal, 1980, pp. 271, 286,
309-12, 322).
Hearing
about the murder of Qutb al-Din and the insults heaped on Islam, Ghazi Malik Tughluq marched from the
Punjab and punished the usurper by
killing him in battle in 1320. This victory was a prelude to the founding of the Tughluq dynasty (Amir
Khusrau, 1890, p. 77; Ibn Battuta, 1953,
pp. 47, 49; Barani, 2005, pp. 417-18, 440). The first concern of Ghiyas al-Din Tughluq (r.
1320-1325) was to restore law and order
in the kingdom. He enhanced agriculture by planting gardens and giving incentives to cultivators (Barani,
2005, pp. 420, 440-1, 542). He was
succeeded by Muhammad Shah, an energetic, highly qualified and brilliant ruler. He is said to have moved the
imperial capital to Devagiri in southern
India, which he named Daulatabad in 1327. Muhammad Tughluq’s intention was to entrench a Muslim
presence in the south to prevent frequent
rebellions. Apparently Muhammad Tughluq did
not transfer his capital but established a second capital. The
project did not fail as is generally
believed; rather it was a great success as
he succeeded in planting a sizeable Muslim presence in the South so much so that the new settlers succeeded in a
few years to found the Bahmani Empire
(1347-1527) during his lifetime itself. However, Muhammad Tugluq’s reign facing turbulence due
to the great distance from the northern
frontier regions and the continuous Mongol threat, compounded during the last years of his rule
by famine and rebellions throughout the
Sultanate (Barani, 2005, pp. 478-9, 491-3; Hardy, 1966, pp. 3-8). His cousin and successor Firoz Shah
Tughluq (r. 1351-1388) brought peace and
order by suppressing the rebels. The new ruler was a great builder and erected many buildings,
schools and mosques, in addition to
great infrastructural projects such as founding new cities and excavating canals (Afif, 1891, p. 4). Due
to Firoz’s flexible policy he was held
responsible for the weakening of the sultanate. After his death, the Tughluq dynasty crumbled and was
unable to defend itself against Timur’s
(r. 1370-1405) invasion, leading to its replacement by the Saiyids.
Before
his departure, Timur appointed Khizr Khan, one of the former governors of Firoz Shah, as a governor to the
region of Punjab and upper Sind (Barani,
2005, p. 333). Soon he gained power and extended his control over Delhi and became the founder
of the Saiyid dynasty (r. 1414-1421).
This dynasty was replaced by the Lodis who came to power in 1451, when Bahlul
Lodi, an Afghan chieftain, ascended the throne,
supported by the Afghans (Aziz Ahmad, 1964, p. 10). Bahlul Lodi was a visionary ruler who treated the Afghan
nobles with honour, dignity and (what
they considered as) due respect. His successor Sikandar Lodi (r. 1489-1517) was a capable ruler who
extended the boundaries of his kingdom
and made Agra his capital in 1504 (Quraishi, 1977, p. 23). Due to Sikandar Lodi’s encouragements and
continuous support, Hindus acquired
proficiency in Persian and it became a distinction for them; a Hindu poet of Persian composed verses under
the pen name ‘Brahmin’ in the language
(Farishta, 1884-85, p. 344; Badauni, 1868, I, p. 323; Lal, 1980, pp. 27; Aziz Ahmad, 1964, p. 235).
Sikandar
Lodi died in 1517 and was succeeded by his son Ibrahim Lodi (r. 1517-1526). Due to his youthful age,
he was at odds with senior Afghan
nobles, and Daulat Khan, his own uncle, invited Babur, Mughal ruler of Kabul, to invade India. Alam
Khan Lodi, a rebellious Afghan noble,
and Dilawar and Haji Khan, sons of Daulat Khan, jointly launched an unsuccessful attack on Delhi
(Haravi, 1986, p. 196; Babur, 2007, pp.
226-29). The uprising and turbulence encouraged Babur to wage a crucial war at Panipat, in which
Ibrahim Lodi lost his life, and Babur
emerged victorious and founded the famous Mughal dynasty of India in 1526 (Babur, 2007, pp. 236-7).
The
intellectual and cultural impact of Islam on India
To
understand the cultural and intellectual impact of Islam on India, this paper will focus on the cultural role of
the Sufis and scholars, the development
of art and architecture and welfare institutions such as hospitals.
Importance
of Sufi orders
The
evolution of traditional Sufism and the formation of the Sufi orders coincided with the establishment of the Delhi
Sultanate. Among the Sufi orders that
flourished during that period, the Chishti and Suhrawardi orders are relatively more well-known on
Indian soil. Both orders set up their
organizations concurrently with the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate. Within a short period, Sufis
belonging to these orders succeeded in
establishing their sway in the entire country and built up their centres in various Indian cities by
founding jama át khanah and khanqah
(Sufi hospices) (Nizami, 2002, p. 187).
The
Chishti silsilah
It
was established by Khwaja Abu Ishaq Shami (d. 940) in Chisht, a small village near Herat, Afghanistan (Khurd, 1885,
pp. 39-40; Nizami, 2002, p. 61, Rizvi,
1986, p. 114). The Chishti Silsilah was introduced in India by Khwaja Mu‘in al-Din Sijzi (d. 1236), who
hailed from Sijistan. After staying
sometime in Lahore, he arrived at Delhi and after a short stay there moved on to Ajmer. It is generally
believed that when he settled at Ajmer,
it was still ruled by the Chauhan ruler. But Shaykh Hamid al-Din Suali (d. 1273), one of the most
prominent disciples of Khwaja Moinal-Din
Sijzi says that the latter arrived in Delhi during the reign of Iltutmish after the conquest of Ajmer
(Minhaj, 1954, p. 119; Khurd, 1885, p.
46; Isami, 1948, p. 8; Dehlavi, 1891, p. 22; Chand, 2011, p. 47; Nizami, 2002, p. 197). Under the
stewardship of his dynamic heirs, Qutb
al-Din Bakhtiyar Kaki, Farid Ganj-i-Shakar, Nizam al-Din Auliya and Nasir al-Din Chiragh-i-Dilli
(d.1356), the Chishti Silsilah became
very popular and important centres emerged at Ajmer, Narnaul, Suwal, Nagaur, Mandal, Hansi and Ajodhan and
a number of towns in Uttar Pradesh,
Bihar, Bengal, Assam, and the Deccan. Quite early in the history of Silsilah, Delhi grew into a
spiritual hub of Chishtis and the masses
flocked there for spiritual guidance (Nizami 2002, pp. 61, 187).
The
Suhrawardi silsilah
Najib
al-Din Abdul Qahir Suhrawardi (d.1168), a resident of Suhraward, was the founder of this Silsilah, but his
nephew Shihab al-Din Suhrawardi (d.1234)
consolidated the order. A number of his followers, including Shaykh Baha al-Din Zakariya Multani (d.1262),
Hamid al-Din Nagori, Najib al-Din
Buzghush, Zahar al-Din Mahmud, and Muhammad Yamini moved to India due to the Guzz and Mongol
incursions. Shaykh Baha al-Din Zakariya
Multani, one of his most prominent disciples, achieved great success in building a strong foundation
of the Silsilah in Multan and Sind
(Dehlavi, 1891, p. 36; Nizami, 2002, pp. 61, 236). A few of the disciples tried to establish followings
in Delhi, Awadh and Bengal, but they
could not make much headway due to the Chishti influence there. Indeed, the Suhrawardis failed to
extend their influence in Awadh. Their
main centres remained in Uchh and Multan. Since the latter was a frontier town, located on the direct
caravan route from the Muslim world to
Delhi, the fame of Shaykh Baha al-Din Zakariya Multani spread to the Turkish lands and his khanqah
was exceptionally well known for meeting the spiritual needs of the masses (Ibn
Battuta, 1953, p. 145). Saiyid Jalal
al-Din Bukhari (d. 1291) was very popular under
the Tughluqs and his khanqah at Uchh became a centre for spiritual guidance (Kamboo, 1893, p.171; Nizami, 2002,
p. 236), while Shaykh Shihab
al-Din’s’Awarif al-Ma’rif enjoyed great repute in Sufi literature, becoming popular in all Sufi circles across
the Muslim world, crossing the borders
of the Silsilahs (Arshad Islam, 2001, p. 170).
Contribution
to society
Since
the establishment of his Khanqah in Multan under Qubacha’a rule, Shaykh Baha al-Din Zakariya and his
heirs took a keen interest in the
welfare and security of the people, and there are numerous examples of their concern for the local populace
(Sijzi 1894, pp. 119-20; Farishta,
1884-85, II, p, 406). They used their influence with the Sultans of
Delhi to represent the interests of the
people of Multan, even to the extent of
effecting regime change; when Qubacha failed to satisfy the demands
of the people for a fairer and more
transparent socioeconomic and political
system, Shaykh Zakariya used his influence to invoke the intervention
of Iltutmish to re-establish Shariah
(i.e. the rule of law) in Multan (Farishta,
1884-85, p.406). Similarly, when in 1246, the Mongol commander Sali Nuyin was harassing the city of Multan, the
Shaykh mediated through Malik Shams
al-Din with the Mongol leader, persuading the Mongols to pull out by paying them 100,000 dinars from
his own resources (Harvi, 1986, pp.
157-58).
Saiyid
Jalal al-Din Bukhari used to frequently visit the royal court in Delhi and he used such opportunities to
present the grievances of both the residents
of Multan and the inhabitants of Delhi, who sought to get their accumulated problems resolved
through his good offices. The problems
that he brought to the notice of Sultan were complex and diverse, and far beyond the scope of a
modern government welfare system. For
example, he is known to have remarked that he had not taken the trouble of travelling to Delhi to
seek favour from the Sultan for himself
but to secure assistance for the marriage of the daughters of one of his deceased teachers (Husain, 1983,
p. 334). On every occasion Shaykh Rukn
al-Din Multani visited Delhi, petitioners gathered around him and packed his dola (palanquin) with
petitions for the Sultan’s assistance
through his good offices. Since the Sultan gave personal attention to such requests, it is said that
the residents of Delhi used to stand in long queues awaiting Shaykh’s arrival
on his way to the court and they often
inundated the palanquin in a barrage of applications, being sure that they would certainly be
attended to (Khurd, 1885, pp. 148-49;
Kamboo, 1893, p. 142; Rizvi, 1986, p. 211).
It
should be noted that in spite of the great respect in which these saints were held by the court and their
desire to use this influence to serve
the people, they maintained complete independence and refused to be swayed by the grandeur and awe of the
court. Saiyid Jalal ud din Bukhari was
an outspoken critic of the extravagant and luxurious life style of the rulers as such wealth was
generally acquired by unjust means. Saiyid
Jalal al-Din Bukhari delivered public sermons denouncing such expropriations and was determined in his
efforts to ensure the establishment of
Shariah, and it was mostly due to his influence that Sultan Firoz Shah abolished most of the taxes
that could not be justified under
Islamic law (i.e. those not absolutely essential for public welfare) (Husain, 1983, pp. 211-12). Saiyid Bukhari
told his disciples that whatever he
received from the Sultan was meant for the assistance of the people and not for the sake of the
amassing of wealth (Husain, 1983, p.
262). Shaykh Rukn ud Din Multani was said to have remarked that besides learning and spirituality, money was
also needed by a saint to satisfy the
needs of the people (Dehlavi, 1891, p. 56).
Thus
while maintaining a certain distance and aloofness from the purely political realm of the royal court and
its intrigues, Sufis were always ready
to intercede with the powerful on behalf of the people in their bid to help the needy and the
downtrodden as a means of social
service. The core of their spirituality was service for others, devoting
their time, energy and money to the
Islamic cause of helping the oppressed,
and affirming the absolute superiority of non-violent methods to
solve social and other problems of
society (Khurd, 1885, pp. 46, 185; Nizami,
2002, pp. 236, 238).
The
Muslim community of India was, by the 13th century, a dynamic Islamic civilization in its own
right, interacting with the Hindu
masses, which brought mutual understanding and fruitful awareness to both communities. While
carefully avoiding antithetical
engagement on sensitive issues, Islam had an enormous impact on the social and cultural life of Hindus. Both
communities influenced each other in their daily practices and culture, and
many Muslim elements were incorporated
into Hindu religion, art, literature and science and vice-versa, due in large part to the close
assimilation of Sufi practices, which
themselves exhibit numerous Hindu and Buddhist themes not derived from exoteric Islam (Chand, 2011, p.
137). Muslims borrowed much ancient Indian
knowledge of mathematics, astronomy, astrology,
medicine and philosophy, while lifestyle traces were left by
Muslims on Indian customs, culture,
music, fashion and dress, food, cooking,
marriage, celebration of festivals and fairs (Chand, 2011, pp. 138-42).
Muslim
art and architecture
The land of Sind was opened to Islam in the beginning of 8th century, which is why Sind was known as the gateway of Islam (Bab al-Islam) in India. In the first phase of their arrival, the Muslims erected a number of administrative and religious buildings. The second phase started after the Ghaznavid conquest of Punjab and in the first half of the 12th century. The administrative headquarters was established at Lahore and a number of administrative buildings were founded but these were extirpated by the Ghurids (Percy, 1975, p. 97).
The civilizational impact of Islam in India can be seen materially in a number of extant cities, mosques, tombs, palaces, forts, and other artistic buildings built over the centuries by Muslim rulers in different parts of India. Although a number of architectural buildings were erected during the Umayyad and Abbasid periods, these vestiges are now extinct except the magnificent building of the Dome of Rock in Al-Quds that was built by the Umayyad Caliph Abdul Malik as well as the great Umayyad mosque of Damascus. Under the Ghaznavids and Ghurids, several buildings were founded in Lahore and Multan for various official purposes, but the end of the 13th century marked the real launching of Islamic architecture in India when Qutb al-Din Aibak established the capital of the sultanate at Delhi (Percy, 1975, p. 32).
The
early years of the Delhi Sultanate witnessed the erection of a number of buildings by the Sultans and the
nobles, for example, Qutb al-Din Aibak
founded two famous mosques, both of which still exist: the Qutb Mosque, also known as Quwwatul-Islam
(‘Might of Islam’), with its magnificent
mihrab (prayer niche), was begun in Delhi in 1195 and completed in 1197; and the other, in
Ajmer, known as the Arhai din-ka jhopra (‘hut of two-and-a-half-days’) began in
1200 (Syed Ahmad, 1904, p. 13; Percy, 1975, pp. 12, 14). In 1199, an arched
screen was erected in the direction of
the qibla in the Qutb Mosque, and it was
further extended in both directions - north and south - by Sultan Iltutmish in 1229 (Syed Ahmad, 1904, pp.
14-15). It was totally an original piece
of work considered as a perfect Islamic structural design erected on Indian soil. Qutb al-Din Aibak
constructed the present Qutb Minar, a
beautiful and exceptionally tall minaret, as a part of Qutb Mosque. These constructions were begun by
Qutb al-Din Aibak in 1195 and finally
completed by Sultan Iltutmish in 1229 along the same architectural style and pattern, which laid
the foundations of Islamic architecture
in India (Syed Ahmad, 1904, pp. 16-18; Percy, 1975, pp. 11, 13).
Near
the Qutb Minar are other famous buildings like the tombs of Iltutmish and his son Nasir al-Din Muhammad
(Sultan Ghari, 1229), and an artistic
gate known as Alai Darwazah built in 1310, which was undertaken as part of a larger building plan
of Ala al-Din Khalji. The red sandstone
gateway was erected to serve as one of the four accesses to the mosque, two of which were the eastern
side, with another one each on the north
and south. The southern entrance is the only finished gate to the Quwwatul-Islam mosque. It is the first
structure of its kind using Islamic
principles of building and geometric patterns. The early Indo Islamic models of
Delhi demonstrate a different phase of development from the foundation of mosques and tombs by
the first governor of Delhi, Qutb al-Din
Aibak, followed by his son-in-law Shams al-Din
Iltutmish, both of whom were the founders of buildings in the
Islamic style (Syed Ahmad, 1904, pp.
20-24; Percy, 1975, pp. 11, 13, 16-8).
During
the Delhi Sultanate, the nobles also evinced great interest in constructing magnificent buildings,
including schools and ministries, but
the most sublime projects were for prayers. Malik Taj al-Din Sanjar i-Gazlak Khan, a Shamsi governor of Uchh
constructed Jami mosques at a number of
places (Minhaj, 1954, p. 256). Under the Mamluks, epigraphic evidence testifies the
construction of a Jami mosque at Hansi
by Taj al-Din Mir Miran Salari. Ikhtiyar al-Din Firoz Aetigin, a
governor of Lakhnauti under Ghiyas
al-Din Balban (r.1266-1287) constructed a
Jami mosque at Monghyr district in Bihar (as stated in the
inscription dated 1267) (Ahmad, 1973,
pp. 11-3).
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