Rajdeep Sinha
Ph.D Research Scholar, Department of History, Visva-Bharati University.
Annapurna Sinha Das
Ph.D Research Scholar Department of History, Visva-Bharati University.
International Journal of Humanities & Social Science: Insights & Transformations Vol. 5, Issue 2 – 2020
ISSN: 2581-3587
Rajdeep Sinha1, Annapurna Sinha Das2
Abstract
The role of Mughal royal ladies in politics was remarkable which was neglected by some prominent historians. Our male-centric history is written by historians who gave prominence to the male Mughal rulers although the Mughal women contributed to the Mughal Empire. Women were actively participated in harem and court politics. They have many legal rights and decision making powers. Their ideologies impacted rulers greatly and many of them were the ‘king makers’ who ruled the Mughal world behind the curtains.
Objectives: Through this article, I want to discuss
some issues like 1) Role of harem women
in the history of Mughals. 2) What were the
special rights enjoyed by Mughal royal ladies. 3) Their active role
in Mughal politics.
Keyword: Harem women, Farman, Hukm, Nishan,
Parwana.
Introduction
In the Mughal India, royal women are found enjoying many legal rights and exceptional powers. They had right to issue many official documents such as farman, hukm, nishan, parwanas. According to Ira Mukhoty, most of the women of the Mughal harem were, in fact, not wives at all; they were mothers, like Hamida Banu and Harkha Bai, unmarried sisters, like Jahanara and Roshanara, divorced women, like Khanzada, single daughters, like Zeb-un Nisa and Zeenat-un-Nisa, aunts like Gulbadan, distant relatives, like Salima Sultan, elderly dependents, etc. They were not sexually available women at all. And yet they had a role to play, a duty to perform and they were respected, and paid, for these crucial jobs.1 A few women like Maryam Zamani, Nur Jahan, Mamtaz Mahal, Nadira Banu enjoyed exceptional powers in Mughal era.
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The Mughal women issued Imperial orders following the same procedure as the actual segments of the Persian farmans-(1) The beginning opens with the invocation-the invocation of God. (2) The Intitulatio- the name and title of promulgator. (3) The Aranga- the obligations of the ruler to his subjects and the religious granted by the appropriate Islamic official at any level of government. It was a royal mandate or decree commandments. (4) The Narratio, which explains the circumstances or the previous history of the document’s promulgation. (5) The Dispositio-the intention of the ruler behind for drafting the decree which is the actual legal mandate. (6) Then follow the regulation for the recipient, concluded with an adhartatio, whose content specify the responsibilities for all those called upon to execute the disposition. (7) The final segment of the document made by the eschatocal, the declaration of the date and sometimes the declaration of the place of the issue.2 It has been noticed that the first two lines of the Mughal farmans were always concise and that the royal seal and the tughra with their almost exact location on its top (the seal being on the right side of the tughra) are its inevitable features. Further, the set phraseology and the arrangement of text, the various endorsements on the reverse with the seals of ministers as also certain signs and symbols should make a farman quite distinct from a nishan or a hukm. Because a nishan or hukm too have their first two lines in an abbreviated form.3 Also hukm stands for the edict of Queen mother, or Queen consort. It was crown with tughra or unwan. Though the connotation of the term was uncertain because Maham Begum’s edict as farman,4 while Nur Jahan refers to her edicts as a nishan. On the other hand, nishan denotes an order of a prince or princess or wife of a prince and used tughra or unwan of the sovereign.5
Role of some specific women
Nur Jahan, Hamida Banu Begum, Mariyam-uz-Zamani,
Jahanara issued all of the
administrative farman, hukm, nishan, parwana, because they held the
highest rank in Imperial harem.6 Most of
the time, unwans were employed in the hukms of Queen mothers, while tughra figure in the hukms of the royal
consort as also in the nishans of the princesses. Dogmaa statement or an interpretation
declared as authoritative with the expectation that it should be followed without any question. This
type of farmans usually declaring under the
authority of NurJahan.7
The founder of the Mughal Empire Babur’s farmans seems
to have notable characteristics, which
were totally differ from other Muslim rule in India. This change was also
noticed in the orders of powerful Mughal
women. Like the invocations in the farman Huwal Ghani used by Babur, Humayun and early period of Akbar,
which was replaced by Huwal Akbar and
Allahu Akbar. Maryam Zamani and Nur Jahan continued the last one. On the
other hand, Dara Shukoh’s consort Nadira
Begum employed Huwal Qadir and Bismillah ar rahman ar Rahim as invocation, while Jahan Ara used
Allahu Akbar and Bismillah ar rahman ar
Rahim.8 Hamida Banu Begum’s unwan was Hukm-i-Hamida Banu Begum, Maritam
Zamani was Hukm-i-Mariyam Zamani.
Similarly Nur Jahan and Mumtaz Mahal’s tughra was Hukm
i-uliyai aliya Mahdi uliya with their respective names. Nadira Banu Begum’s unwan was Nishan-i-Nadira Bano Begum. Next to Jahan Ara styled her tughra as Nishan-i-uliyai aliya Mahdi uliya Jahan Ara bint i Hazrat Shah Jahan Badshsh Ghazi Sahib Qirani Sani.9 Under the Mughals, all the documents were in Persian, because it was their official language, and mainly in Shikasta script.10
Under the Mughals, the imperial seal was entrusted to
the in charge of the queens. Father
Monserrate said, during the reign of Akbar, Khvaja Jahan was the in
charge of the muhr-i muqaddas-i-kalan (the great royal seal), and the small
signet ring (uzuk) was deployed to one
of the Emperor’s queen.11 During the reign of Shah Jahan, the seal was
entrusted to Queen Mumtaz Mahal. After
the death of Mumtaz Mahal, the seal was given to Begum Saheb means Jahanara.12 In some exceptional cases, the
seal was maintained by reliable noble, like a
favour to Mumtaz Mahal, the responsibility was given to her father who
held the position of prime minister at
that time.13 Abul Fazl observed that a separate seal was used in all the matters connected with the female
apartments.14
The hukm and nishans issued by the Imperial ladies
decorated with a beautiful seal, which
had peculiar stamp and shape. It contains a legend which includes the
name and titles of the owner along with
the appellations of her father, husband or son along with the year of engraving the seal as evident. Haminda Banu
Begum’s shape of the seal was flower with the
eight petals and the legend inscribed was Hamida Banu bint-i-Ali Akbar.
Next Maryam Zamani styled her seal as
pitcher and decorated the legend Wali Nimat Begum walidah-i
Jahangir Badshsh. Nur Jahan’s seal had two style- one followed the legend Ze mehr i shah i Jahangir shud chun mah furuzan nigin i muhri Nur Jahn Badshsh Begum i dauran, second followed the legend Allahu Akbar Ze nuri mehr i Jahangir Badshsh i Jahanban (rose with six petels). Again Mumtaz Mahal and Nadira Banu Begum followed the round simple shape of the seal with a legend Ze lutfi Haq Mumta Mahal dar alam ba zill i khuda Shah i Jahan shud hamdam, Nadira Banu Begum hamdam i shahi baland iqbal. Jahan Ara inscribed the legend Uliya i aliya Jahan Ara bint i Shah Jahan. But on the other hand, a type of order like stipulated salary of the begams did not received royal seal.15
Another type of Mughal document highlighted concerning
women for granting them land grants and
legal rights. According to Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, Jahangir ordered and appointed Haji Koka (superintendent of the harem as
Sadr-anas)16 to bring such needy women as were
worthy to be presented with land and money.17 In 15th July, 1611, a
farman issued that Musammat Alam Khatun
was granted 65 bigha of land (Jagadishpur in suba Bihar) as madad-i-ma ‘ash. Even widows were given land
as seen in the farman of Jahangir (dated 21st July, 1621), said Musammat Daulat
Bakht (widow of Sheikh Haji), nimat (widow of Hasan Jao), Alam Khatun (widow of Ibrahim) had
collectively given 150 bigha of land. Also
Emperor ordered not to disturb the grant in any way.18
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Sometimes the grant was passed to over to the heirs after his/her death under the ruler’s order. Like a nishan of Prince Khurram (dated 23rd June 1624) addressed to the officials states that Shaikh Abdus Samad and Shaikh Muhammad were granted 400 bigha of land in Rampur and suba Bihar as madad-i-ma ‘ash. After the death of Shaikh Abdus Samad, an order was issued that the said grant should be renewed and given the share of the deceased to Musammat Bibi Sharifa and Bibi Fatima, heirs of Abdus Samad. The grant being rent free and the grantees should not be asked to pay the land revenue or any other tax.19 Also few of them refers to the chaste image of the women which reflected from the following: Sanad i Sadaratul ulliyatul aliya addressed to the agents of karoris, and jagirdars of pargana Batala, suba Lahore informs them that the wife of Shaikh Qutb, a chaste and pious lady has been granted 60 bigha of land by virtue of the farman as madad-i-ma ‘ash.20
This farman or hukm or nishan performed several
functions (1) Disseminate the messages
from the authority to his subjects and he/she controlled the broader
empire without his presence. (2)
expressed his/her own authority, privilege and their knowledge also. (3) Highlighted diplomatic features and the
historical values of the edicts. Like Akbar introduced many types of Hindu customs into the court
assemblies. Some Mughal women during that
time interfered with it. Akbar’s mother Hamida Banu granted permission
to Vithal, a Brahmin of the pargana of
Mahavan in sarkar of Agra, to graze his cow freely. Though it was a hukm, it has been written in farman
style.21 Another hukm of Maryam Zamani, she
instituted an enquiry for the misappropriation of the revenues and
usurpation of the jagir of Mudabbir Beg
in the pargana of Chaupala in the sarkar of Sambhal by Suraj Mal zamindar and
instructed the officer-in-charge to summon the riayat. After investigating into
the matter he should ensure that all the
arrears were paid to Mudabbir Beg and also ensure that not a single fulus or jital was appropriated by
Suraj Mal.22 Thus she expressed her influence and authority over the Mughal Empire.
Mutamad Khan described about Nur Jahan’s farman, which
visualized her administrative
experience, concern towards the welfare of ri ‘aya, enlarging trading
activities etc. She also struck coins in
her name.23 There had a record24 which highlighted nishans of Nurjahan to Raja Jai Singh-
(1) Nishan issued in August, 1622 desiring Raja Jai
Singh to send money of the lease of Amer
per Mohd. Hashim.
(2) Nishan issued in November, 1664 expressing
pleasure on his (Raja’s) disassociation with
Muhabat Khan, desires him now to act according to the wishes of
Khan-i-Jahan. (3) Nishan issued in
November, 1625 desiring Raja to act according to the orders conveyed to him through Fidai Khan.
(4) Nishan issued in December, 1625 sending a Khilat
per Khwaja Roz Bihan. (5) Nishan issued
in October, 1626 desiring the Raja to report everything to the royal court and not to act against the royal orders.
Conclusion
Also found as many as eight hukm and many administrative farman in her name. In her short live, Mumtaz Mahal issued one hukms, addressed to the mutasaddis of pargana Erandol, sarkar Khandesh and appointed Kanoji as deshmukh of the said pargana in place of Suryaji. who had taken over that office but as he died, a new deshmukh was instructed to adhere to the prescribed regulations of his Majesty to treat the ri ‘aya and residents of the place in such a way that they may feel satisfied and grateful to him.25 A list of nishan of Begam Sahiba (Jahanara Begam) issued in July, 1640, September, 1651 to Raja Jai Singh assuring him (Raja’s) of many royal favours.26 This was one of the ways that the harem ladies carried their weight. Even their attendances were influential, that many persons succeeded in approaching the Emperor through them.
References
1. Mukhoty, Ira, Daughter of the Sun:Empress, Queens
And Begums of The Mughal Empire, Aleph
Book Company, New Delhi:2018, p. 21.
2. http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/farman,
accessed on 15 Dec, 1999. 3. Habib,
Irfan, Akbar and his India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1998,
p.91. 4. Zahiruddin Muhammad Babur
Padshah Ghazi, Baburnama (Memories of Babur), tr A. S. Beveridge, Low Price Publications, New Delhi,
1922, p. 630.
5. Tirmizi, S. A. I, Mughal Document (1526-1627 A.D),
Manohar Publications, 1989, pp.
14-15.
6. Misra, Rekha, Women in Mughal India (1526-1748
A.D), Munshiram Manoharlal, Allahabad,
1967, p. 67.
7. Sangeeta Deogawanka, Postal System in Mughal
Period: Under the Reign of Akbar, postal
history of india.blogspot.com>com, 4th October 1990.
8. Habib, Irfan, Akbar and His India, pp.67-71.
9. Tirmizi, S. A. I, Edict from the Mughal Harem,
Idarah-i-Adabiyt Delli, Delhi, 1979, pp.
XIX, XX, XXI.
10. Habib, Irfan, Akbar and his India.p.91.
11. Hasan, Ibn, The Central Structure of the Mughal
Empire, p.101.
12. Misra, Rekha, Women in Mughal India (1526-1748
A.D), p. 68.
13. Ibid.
14. Abul Fazl, Ain-i-Akbari, tr H. Blochmann, vol-I,
Asiatic Society, Calcutta, 1872, p. 55.
15. Hasan, Ibn, The Central Structure of the Mughal Empire, Munshiram
Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1stpublished
1936, reprinted May 1970, p. 98. Also see, Tirmizi, S.A.I, Presidential Address: Medieval Indian Diplomatics,
Proceedings of the Indian History congress, Vol. 43(1982), pp. 211-231.
16. Abul Fazl, The Akbarnama, tr H. Beveridge,
vol-III, Rare Books, Delhi, 1939, p. 1006.
17. Nur-ud-Din Muhammad Jahangir, Tuzuk-i-jahangiri (Memoirs of
Jahangir), tr Alexander Roger, ed H.
Beveridge, vol-II, Digital Publisher: World Public Library Association, p. 46.
18. Tirmizi, S. A. I, Mughal Document (1526-1617 A.D),
vol-I, Manohar Publication, New Delhi,
1989, pp.87-88.
19. Tirmizi, S. A. I, Mughal Document (1526-1627 A.D),
p. 212.
20. Ibid.
21. Misra, Rekha, Women in Mughal India (1526-1748 A.D), p. 67.
22. Abul Fazl, Ain-i-Akbari, tr H. S. Jarrett, vol-II,
Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta,
1949, p. 242.
23. Prasad, Beni, History of Jehangir, The Indian
Press, Allahabad, 1930, p. 24. Misra,
Rekha, Women in Mughal India (1526-1748 A.D), p. 152.
25. Tirmizi, S. A. I, Mughal Document (1628-1659 A.D),
vol-II, Manohar Publication, New Delhi,
1995, p. 57.
26. Misra, Rekha, Women in Mughal India (1526-1748
A.D), p. 153.