Monideepa Chatterjee / Third Year, Roll No. 216
Department of History /Presidency University
Historiography in Medieval India attracted the attention of scholars and learned men who cherished and cultivated it as an independent discipline in its own right. Some of them such as Zia-ud-din Barani,Nizam-ud-Din Ahmad, Abdul Qadir Badauni and many others were eminent historians and made great contributions to Medieval Historiography . Among them, however, Shaykh Abul Fazl occupied a place of distinction and has left his mark on the traditions of historical wrings in medieval India.1 Abul Fazal Allami was one of the most outstanding intellectual figures of his time. Liberal in his religio-political outlook, cosmopolitan in his dealings with various religious communities of India, seasoned as a diplomat and versatile as a scholar, he occupies a prominent place in history of medieval political thought. Abul Fazl was not only one of the eminent court poets of Akbar, but was also a favourite courtier and trusted secretary of Akbar. As he was closely associated with Akbar, in two of his monumental works the Akbarnama and Ain-I-Akbari, we get a detailed description of the emperor’s glorious reign.2
Abul Fazl’s chief historical works, Akbarnama and Ain-I-Akbari, rank amongst some of the finest in the whole range of Persian historical literature. In fact Abul Fazl may be regarded as a pioneer in the field of collection and utilization of statistical data for the purpose of historical study. As Abul Fazl was closely associated with Akbar whose social and religious outlook made a deep impact on contemporary life and thought, Abul Fazl’s own religious and social ideas deserve a careful study. Abul Fazl was perhaps the most gifted historians of India. His approaches to history have been termed as “Romantic”. Historian Abul Fazl’s two works Akbarnama and Ain-I Akbari are complimentary and supplementary to each other. While the Akbarnama enables us to understand the spirit behind the institutions of Akbar, the difficulties faced and their solutions, Ain–I-Akbari enlightens us on Akbar’s Experiments and institutions.3
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The Akbarnama, apart from Ain contains extensive information on a variety of subjects within the limitations of the narrative of political events. The detailed information in it is related generally to the fields of battle, tactics employed therein, persons in command of forces. At times, there are brief notices on the history of other countries or territories. Occasionally, too, there are genealogical data of persons concerned with events.4
The concluding part of Akbarnama is Ain-I-Akbari. The Ain-I Akbari is divided into five books. The first of these deals with the Imperial establishment. Book II deals with the institution of the army, its various divisions, the rules of payment, etc. Book III opens with 20 different eras which were operative in different part of the world at different times. Book IV is mainly concerned with the various concepts of Hindus- astronomical, medicinal, philosophical, etc and their customs and manners. Book V consists of a chapter comprising the wise sayings of Akbar, a conclusion and a short autobiographical sketch of Abdul Fazl.5
The Ain, being altogether different in its character from the narrative part is specifically meant to be some kind of gazetteer of information. It is in the Ain, that Abul Fazl fully utilizes his potential as a compiler and editor. The whole of Akbarnama , being circumscribed by its own character, generally lacks in incidental reference to men and manners outside the narration of political events centred around the person, and the court of Akbar.6
Thus, for a study of Abul Fazl’s ideas, the Akbarnama and Ain-i-Akbari shall always remain a varitable source of information. Abul Fazl’s urge to find basic unity in diversity is clear from these works. Abul Fazal’s Munajat reveals his personality and sheds light on his ontological concepts. His letters, known as Ruqqat-i-Abul Fazl and Mukhtabat-I-Allami sheds lights on his views about a number of social and religious matters, his appreciation of religious attitudes and above all his deep humanism. If the dominant note of his political chronicles is political expediency, his letters have a thoroughly humanistic approach.7
The influence of heredity and environment goes a long way in determining a man’s thought and personality. It is therefore, necessary to study the ancestral background of Abul Fazl. Abul Fazl’s ancestors hailed from Yemen One of his fore fathers Sheikh Musa, fifth in ascent lived in Siwistan (Sindh) at a place called Rel. The family continued to live in Siwistan till the close of the fifteenth century. Later Shaikh Khizr, father of shaikh Mubarak, left Siwistan, urged by a desire to meet the saints and ulema of India. Abul Fazl’s father Saikh Mubarak was born in 911 A.H. / 1506 A.D. Mubarak displayed unusual intelligence at an early age. By the time he was fourteen he knew many of the sciences, taught then at the madrasas by heart. According to Beveridge, Mubarak was married to a girl who was a near relation of Mir Rafi ‘u’d-din, near whose house Mubarak had set up his residence at char Bag Villa, on the left bank of Yamuna. But Abul Fazl does not say anything about his mother.
Abul Fazl was born on Muharam 6, A.H. 958/ January14, 1551 A.D. He was endowed with a prodigious memory. Even at the age of a little over one year he spoke fluently. .His education began with Arabic. At the age of five, he could both read and write without any difficulty. Thereafter, his father started teaching him a little of every branch of traditional sciences (Manqulat) but his brilliant mind could not appreciate prolonged adherence to conventional learning. Shaikh Mubarak then made him commit to memory the essential elements of every branch of learning. At the age of fifteen, he was well acquainted with rational and traditional sciences (Maqulat and Manqulat). Abul Fazl’s education was very exclusive and helped him to develop a critical outlook. He could not remain satisfied with the traditional sciences which a teacher like Shaikh Mubarak had taught him. The pursuit of learning had grown into a passion with him. Through out his life, he eagerly and sincerely yearned to study the problems of different religious and did not rely upon any preconceived notion and accepted postulates.8
An important religious movement which had a deep effect on the minds of Shaikh Mubarak and his son was that of the Mahdavis. The concept of a mahdi literally, ‘ The Guided One ‘ is as old in India as the first century A.H. Muhamad bin al-Hanafiya was the first to claim that position. Shaikh Mubarak who had subscribed to the mahdavi ideology had to suffer in the hands of the orthodox ulemas.
Another very important current of religious thought which considerably influenced the mind of Shaikh Mubarak and his son Abul Fazal was the Nuqtawi Movement. The Nuqtawis were severely punished on account of their liberal views. It appears that these prosecuted Nutawi scholars succeeded in wining over the sympathies of Emperor Akbar and Abul Fazl.9 All these Indian and Iranian trends of thought had exercised some influence, direct or indirect, on the minds of Shaik Mubarak, his son Abul Fazal and Faizi. Abul Fazal, like his father also came into several conflicts with the ulemas. Later on the Ulemas planned to get Mubarak and Abul Fazl murdered. Abul Fazl has given pathetic details of the exile of his family, its trials and tribulations.
Abul Fazl’s talent found an occasion for display at the Ibadat Khana. The Ibadat Khana was constructed at the order of Akbar in 1575. In order to understand Abul Fazl’s views and perspectives, it is necessary to take account of his religious and social outlook. Abul Fazl’s religious views deserve attention for two reasons. In the first place, they deserve special attention as they determined his selection of important facts of history. In the second, they affected the treatment of subject matters.
Akbar used to say “The object of outward worship which they effect to call a new divine institute is for the awaking of slumberers. Otherwise, the praise of God comes from the heart, not the body”.10 Abul Fazl fully believed in the validity of this remark. He himself was a genuinely religious person as the Munajat shows. But religion was for him, a matter of inner spiritual discipline rather than outer ecclesiastical formality.
Abul Fazl’s religious outlook was misunderstood and misinterpreted by his contemporaries and became a subject of controversy for posterity. The author of Maasir ul-Umara says “It has been often asserted that Abul Fazl was an infidel. Some say, he was a Hindu or a fire worshipper, or a free thinker and some go still further and call him an atheist, but others make a more feasible assessment when they call him pantheist who, like other Sufis, claimed for himself, a position above the law of the Prophet”.11
The severest criticism of Abul Fazl’s religious views came from the pen of Baqi Billah’s son, Khwaja Ubaidullah. His book includes a chapter on ‘heretics and renegades’ and he includes Abul Fazl amongst them who had gone astray. Abul Fazl’s religious ideas were as much a product of his independent religious studies as the result and reaction of the orthodox attitude of ulemas. He could not help being influenced by those contemporary trends of thought which aimed at working out a common religious outlook. Akbar‘s own liberal religious ideas must have influenced and must have in turn been influenced by Abul Fazl’s ideas. Abul Fazl had studied by his fifteenth year all the Muslim religious sciences along with Greek thought and mysticism.
The Munajat gives an idea of Abul Fazl’s understanding of supreme reality. To him god is the creator and the sole cause of all existence. He is the eternal spirit. Abul Fazl believed that comprehension of divine reality was beyond the capacity of man. It is on his account of his deep devotional spirit that he came to be known as Abul Wahdat. He also felt that formal religion and adherence to its ritualistic spirit did not lead to the salvation of man. For real spiritual advance it was necessary to purify and reform one’s inner self.12 He called ‘namaz’ and ‘roza’ bodily worship and ‘Haj’ and ‘zakat’ as worship through money. He interpreted religion as a service to man and had a tolerant and cosmopolitan attitude towards other religions. At the Ibadatkhana he came into contact with Hindu philosophers like Madhusudan, RamTirth and others.13 He also came in contact with Zoroastrians. All this reveal his reverence towards other religions. Abul Fazl looked upon an attitude of ‘Riza’ as the key to human happiness. In his works he refers to Muslim mystics like Hafiz, Rumi, Jami, whose teachings inspired him.3 Thus it is very difficult to express any definite opinion about his religious views. Taken as a whole he had a firm and unshakable faith in god.
The next important attitude that shaped Abul Fazl’s outlook towards life and society was his social outlook. It can be explained with reference to three fundamental postulates:
- ∙All men constitute one brotherhood.
- There is a basic cultural identity between the Hindus and Muslims.
- Religious differences should not disrupt the basic homogeneity of society
Abul Fazl believed that pride in genealogy was nothing short of vain boastfulness. He did not believe completely in a classless society. He was an aristocrat to his fingertips and elitist in approach to many matters Abul Fazl gives the following classifications of the society:
- The warriors or the men of swords.
- The learned men such as the philosophers, physicians, scholars etc.
- The artificers and merchants.
- ∙ The husbandmen and laborers. 14
Abul Fazl attached great importance to the role of nobles in the body politic. He laid great emphasis on their loyalty to the king. He considered justice to be the prop of royal power .His attempt to remove social tensions developed an attitude which emphasized the basic cultural identity between Hindus and Muslims. He was opposed to orthodoxy in any form as it prevented the development of society. He did not like the idea of slavery. His deep faith in the role of the state as an instrument for social welfare is a very important aspect of his social outlook.
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It was the perfect combination of these factors that led to the creation of marvelous epics like the Akbarnama and Ain-i-Akbari. One very important question that comes up in this context is why the Akbarnama was written in the first place. Most important single factor in the formulation of Abul Fazl’s approach to the subject was , scope of history and his master’s opinion about the purpose of history and functions of a historian. Akbar’s hobby was history. Historical works were read out to him. Presence of a considerably large number of historians created a high level for historical discussions and created in the emperor a desire to get his name and reign immortalized by a capable historian. When he decided to get the history of his reign compiled, he put Abul Fazl in sole charge of the task. While several hands were associated with the collection of the data only one hand was to interpret it. But Akbar did not impose any restriction as regards the style. Akbar himself took keen personal interest in the day to day proceedings of the work. He declared that collected data should be read out in royal hearing. Thus Akbar’s likes and dislikes conditioned Abul Fazl’s historical approach and to large extent the Akbarnama.
Abul Fazl takes his readers to the laboratory of history and explains the making of Akbarnama. First stage in the making of the epic was the laborious collection of records and events. In his words “Assuredly I spent much labor and research in collecting the records and narrative of His Majesty’s actions”.15 He then proceeded to the collection of evidence. His source material consisted of accounts written by those who were eye witnesses to them. Reports, memoranda, minutes by officers’ Imperial Farmans and other records were carefully consulted. He heavily drew upon the daily proceedings of the court presented in the Waqai Navis since the nineteenth year of Akbar’s reign. The Akhbarat-i-darbar-i-maula or the court bulletins were also consulted. His next step was the imperial search of evidence. He inquired from the principal officers, grandees, well informed dignitaries of the royal family.16 He even consulted the reports of ministers and officers submitted about the affairs of the empire and foreign countries. His final step was the testing of evidence and marshalling of facts. Abul Fazl repeatedly revised his creation to give it literary grace. Even during the fourth revision, his efforts “were directed to remove all superfluous repetitions to the easy flow of my exposition”.17 It was on the fifth revision that the work was submitted to Akbar. Thus he labored hard for seven years in completing the Akbarnama.
Despite Abul Fazl’s labour and effort, his creation was subjected to harsh criticism like any other great work. In fact the role of Abul Fazl as a historian has been the subject of controversy among scholars. European writers like Elliot, Elphinstone, and Morely have accused him not only of flattery but of willful concealment of facts damaging the reputation of his patron.18 Another point of criticism of his work was that a considerable portion of the information for both the works have been derived from sources that have not been specifically acknowledged. This plagiaristic trait in him has been noticed by Jarret. Smith dubs him as an “unblushing flatterer of Akbar”.19 Coming to the details, the charges of flattery and deliberate perversion of truth are made regarding Akbar’s date of birth, the capitulation of Asirgarh, etc. Abul Fazl’s attachment to Akbar made him gloss over certain events which would have caused discredit to his patron. While dealing with the extraordinary qualities of Akbar he fails to listen to the voice of reason. The apostle of reason appears to have fallen a victim to credulity and superstition. Similarly the reforms spread over a long time do not find a place in Akbarnama. Many examples may be quoted where Abul Fazl fails his duty as a historian. The net result is that, the life of the age in the broader sense do not figure in the pages of Akbarnama.
Since the objective of this paper is to trace the outlook of Abul Fazl which formulated in the creation of Akbarnama, it is important to note that Abul Fazl was not an independent historian. Akbar’s likes and dislikes conditioned his historical approach and determined his selection of data in the minutest detail. Thus Akbarnama is definitely not an impartial, unbiased creation of Abul Fazl. It contains the interpretation of the life and times of Akbar in the way Akbar wanted it to be interpreted. Apart from the master’s views which in any case determines the direction of a historian’s mind, Abul Fazl had to fix his approach with reference to certain historical traditions. Thus according to me, inspite of Abul Fazl’s eminence as a historian, it was his blind faith on Akbar that led to the source of criticism in his works. But above all these, Akbarnama and Ain continue to be one of the brightest examples in the genre of memoirs in medieval historiography.
On a concluding note, it can be said that Abul Fazl was definitely one of the stalwarts in medieval historiography in India. His ancestral background, religious and social outlook had significantly shaped the creation of Akbarnama and Ain, in the way they are. Thus, his works have been rightly regarded as the “greatest work in the whole series of Mohammedan histories of India.”20 by Blocchman, and he, as the “Great Munshi”.
B I B L I O G R A P H Y
1. Hasan Mohibbul, Historians of medieval India, Meenakshi Prakashan, New Delhi 1983.
2. Mukhia Harbans, Historians and Historiography during the reign of Akbar, Vikas Publishing House Private Limited, 1976.
3. Alvi Azra, Socio Religious outlook of Abul Fazl, Idarah-I-Adabiyat-I-Delli, 1983.
4. Nizami Khalique Ahmad, On History and Historians of Medieval India, Munshiram Monoharlal, 1983.
5. Sarkar Jagdish Narayan, History of History Writing in Medieval India, Ratna , Kolkata,1977.
Foot notes
1. Mohibul Hassan, Historians of Medieval India, 1983, P-129 2. Azra Alvi, Socio Religious Outlook Of Abul Fazal, 1983, P-1 3. Jagdish Narayan Sarkar, History of History Writing in Medeival India, 1977, P-105 4. Harbans Mukhia, Historians and Historiography During the Reign of Akbar, 1976, P-65-66 5. Harbans Mukhia, Historians and Historiography During the Reign of Akbar, 1976, P-64-65 6. Ibid, P- 66 7. Azra Alvi, Socio Religious Outlook Of Abul Fazal, 1983, P-1 8. Azra Alvi, Socio Religious Outlook Of Abul Fazal, 1983, P-19 9. Ibid, P-14-16 10. Ibid, P-40 4 Ibid, P-40 11. Azra Alvi, Socio Religious Outlook Of Abul Fazal, 1983, P-43-44 12. Ibid, P-26 13. Ibid, P-51 14. Ibid, P-30-31 15. Jagdish Narayan Sarkar, History of History Writing in Medeival India, 1977, P-100 16. Ibid, P-98 17. Ibid, P-102 18. Jagdish Narayan Sarkar, History of History Writing in Medeival India, 1977, P-105 19. Ibid, P-105 20. Ibid, P-107
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