C. MALWA
I.
THE GHŪRI KINGS (A.D. 1401-35)
The Sultanate of Malwa was established by Dilavar Khān Ghūrī, of whose early history little is known. It appears that he was appointed governor of Malwa some time before A.D. 1390, either by Firuz Shah or his successor, and managed to establish his autho- rity over the province. During Timur's invasion of India, Sultan Mahmud Tughluq first sought shelter with Muzaffar Shah of Gujarāt, but not being received in the manner which the fugitive Sultan thought was his due, he left Gujarat and went to Malwa where Dilāvar received him with all marks of honour due to a sovereign. This disgusted Dilavar's son Alp Khan, who retired to Mandū and spent there the three years that Sultan Mahmud spent at Mälwa. During this period Alp Khän laid the foundations of the fort of Mandu which later became one of the strongest forts in Mālwa.
Sultan Mahmud Tughluq returned to Delhi in A.D. 1401, after the departure of Timur, and shortly after Dilavar, at the instance of his son Alp Khān, declared independence and assumed the para- phernalia of royalty.1
Dilavar
Khan died in A.D. 1405,2 and was succeeded by his son Alp Khan who assumed the
title of Hüshang Shah. There was a rumour that Hüshang had poisoned his father,
and Muzaffar Shah of Gujarat took this up as a pretext for launching an attack
on Mälwa. Hüshang resisted bravely but was defeated and taken pri- soner.
Muzaffar Shäh then left his (Muzaffar's) brother Nusrat Khan as governor of
Malwa and left for Gujarat taking Hüshang away with him as a prisoner.
Nusrat
Khan's rule, however, was so oppressive, that soon a rebellion broke out and he
was obliged to leave Malwa. Hüshang thereupon petitioned Muzaffar Shah to send
him to Malwa, which he promised to subjugate on behalf of Muzaffar. Muzaffar
then sent to Malwa an army under his grandson Ahmad Khan to restore Hushang.
Ahmad
easily overcame all opposition, and after occupying Dhar, then the capital of
Malwa, restored Hüshang on his throne and left for Gujarat. Some rebels,
however, still held out at Mändū under their leader Musa Khän. But the
rebellion seems to have served its purpose with the return of Hushang, and soon
his cousin Malik Mughis Khalji came out of Mandü and joined him. This dis-
heartened Müsa Khan who shortly after surrendered. Hushang then transferred the
capital to Mandu and appointed Malik Mughis as his prime minister.
In
A.D. 1410-11 Sultan Muzaffar Shāh of Gujarāt died and was succeeded by his
grandson Ahmad Shah, who was faced with a rebellion of his uncle. Hüshang, as
related above, sided with the rebels, but before he could join them, Ahmad had
overawed his uncle with a show of force, and Hüshang returned to Malwa without
having accomplished anything.
As
Nizam-ud-din says, "the sweats of shame and repentance had not yet dried
up on the forehead of Hushang, when he again attempted the same kind of
nefarious deed," that is, invaded Gujarāt. Ahmad was away in an expedition
against the Hindu king of Jhäl- awar, but the news of Hushang's invasion forced
him to return inume- diately and Hüshang, receiving no help from the king of
Jhalawar, returned to his kingdom.
But
soon after his return he was invited by a confederacy of Hindu kings of
Champaner, Nandod, and Idar to invade Gujarāt. The Hindu chieftains of Gujarat,
oppressed by the bigoted Ahmad, also promised help, particularly to lead him
into Gujarät secretly by an unfrequented road. The plan, however, miscarried;
Ahmad came to learn of the invasion and took energetic measures to oppose
Hushang, who once more returned disappointed to Malwa. He again raided Gujarat
unsuccessfully in 1417 in alliance with his brother-in- law, Nasir Khan of
Khandesh.
Hüshang
appointed Mahmud Khan, the son of Malik Mughis Khalji, as the partner of the
latter in the administration of the government. This Mahmud Khan, as we shall
see later, supplanted Hüshang's dynasty.
In
A.D. 1421, Hüshang is said to have gone to Orissa, disguised as a horse-dealer
with only a retinue of one thousand men. actually brought some fine horses of a
type which the king of Orissa, Bhänudeva IV, prized very highly. As Bhānudeva
came to inspect the horses, Hüshang captured him and forced him to give him
seventy-five elephants. As a measure of further precaution, Húshang held
captive the king of Orissa till he reached the border of his country.
It
was possibly during the return from this raid, that Hüshang was severely beaten
by Allāḍa, the Redḍi king of Rajahmundry. Allāḍa's court-poet Kommana declares
in the Sivavilāsam that he (Allāḍa) defeated the Sultan of Dhärä in battle and
caused his horses to be plundered. 3
Taking
advantage of Hushang's absence, Ahmad Shah of Gujarat invaded Malwa (A.D. 1422)
and beseiged Mandū. The rains, however, forced Ahmad to retire to Ujjain so
that on his re- turn Hushang was able to slip into his capital. Ahmad reopened
his siege, but finding that success was not possible, returned to Sarangpur.
Hushang also marched there, and for a period of about two and a half months the
two armies faced each other without engaging in a general action. The advantage
was with the Malwa army, and at last Ahmad began his retreat on March 17, 1422,
and reached Ahmadābād on the following May 15.
The
same year Hüshang captured the town of Gagraun3" whence he proceeded to
Gwalior and beseiged the fort. On receipt of this news, Mubarak Shah, the
Sayyid king of Delhi, marched on Gwalior to relieve its Hindu chieftain, which
forced Hushang to raise the siege. According to Yahya bin Ahmad, he was worsted
in some desultory fighting near the Chambal and ultimately extricated himself
out of a difficult situation by paying a tribute to Mubarak Shah.4
In
1428, Ahmad Shah Bahmanī attacked the Hindu king of Kherla, who appealed to
Hushang for help. Hushang responded with alacrity, and Ahmad Shah left Kherla
on learning of the ap- proach of Hushang's army. But Húshang, at the instance
of the king of Kherla, pursued the retreating army for three days after which
period the Bahmani army turned round on him. In the action that followed,
Hushang suffered a disastrous defeat and barely managed to escape. His wife was
taken prisoner, but later returned to him by Ahmad Shah.
In
1431, Hüshang advanced to conquer Kälpi. But when he arrived near the place, news
was brought to him that Sultan Ibrāhīm Sharqi was also coming with a large army
to conquer Kälpī. Soon the two armies faced each other and a battle seemed
imminent, when Ibrahim Shah retired to Jaunpur on receipt of the news that
Mubarak Shah was marching on Jaunpur. Hüshang thereupon cap- tured Kalpi
without any opposition, and returned to his capital after appointing Qadir Khan
as governor of the place.
On
his way he came to learn from his officials that the Hindus who lived near the
Jatba hill had ravaged some towns and villages and had taken shelter near the
reservoir of Bhim. From the descrip- tion left by Nizām-ud-dīn, it appears that
this was the celebrated Bhojasägara built by the Paramāra Emperor, Hushang
broke the dam of this huge lake which flooded the whole locality, and this pro-
bably forced the people to surrender to him, though the king of Jätba managed
to escape.
Shortly
after Hushang died (July 6, 1435) and was succeeded by his son Ghazni Khan
under the name of Muhammad Shah. Though Ghazni had been nominated as the
heir-apparent by his father, a number of nobles espoused the cause of his
younger brother 'Usman Khan and Ghazni owed his throne to the powerful support
of Malik Mughis, and the latter's son, Mahmud Khan, into whose hands he left
the administration. He, however, put to death his three brothers and blinded
his nephew and son-in-law, Nizām Khân, and his three young sons.
This
barbarity alienated the nobles, and Muhammad Shah made matters worse by his
slothful habits aggra- vated by continuous drinking. As a result, Mahmud Khan
became very powerful and began to scheme for usurping the throne. This was
disclosed to the Sultan by some of his friends, but he merely called Mahmud to
his harem, and there, in the presence of his wife, Mahmud's sister, appealed to
him to be faithful. Mahmud swore fidelity, but shortly afterwards contrived to
murder the Sultan by putting poison in his wine.
A
faction of the nobles now raised the late king's son Mas'ud Khan, a boy of
thirteen, to the throne, but Mahmûd easily overcame them, and Mas'ud with his
brother fled to Gujarāt. Mahmud then offered the throne to his father, Malik
Mughis, but as he declined the honour, Mahmud proclaimed himself king on May
16, 1436.0 Thus the royal line of the Ghūris was replaced by that of the
Khaljis.
II.
THE KHALJI DYNASTY
1.
MAHMUD SHAH (1436-69)
Some
time after Mahmûd's accession, an attempt was made on his life by some nobles
instigated by Ahmad Khan, a son of Hushang. Mahmud pardoned the offenders and,
on the advice of his father, granted them suitable fiefs. But they rebelled
again, when Ahmad Khan was poisoned and other rebels defeated and punished. In
the meantime Sultan Ahmad of Gujarat invaded Malwa in order to restore to its
throne the fugitive Mas'ud. The campaign at first opened favourably for Sultan
Ahmad, but gradually Mahmud, aided by
his father, gained some success. Ultimately a pestilence broke out in the
Gujarat army, and Sultan Ahmad retired to his kingdom.
Mahmud
then turned to Chanderi where a rebel amir was hold- ing out. After a siege of
eight months Chanderi was reduced, when news came that Dungar Sen, the
chieftain of Gwalior, had besieged the city of Narwar.7 Mahmud retaliated by
invading and ravaging the territory of Gwalior and besieging that fortress.
Dungar Sen was therefore obliged to raise the siege of Narwar and return to his
territory, while Mahmud, his task accomplished, returned to Mälwa.
In
1440, Mahmûd was invited by several nobles of Delhi to come and supplant the
weak Sayyid king Muhammad Shah, and he advanced towards Delhi with a large
army. His precipitate retreat, after an indecisive engagement, has been
mentioned above.70 Seve- ral reasons have been advanced for this pusillanimous
conduct of Mahmud, but as Nizam-ud-din and Firishta say, the retreat was most
probably due to a rumour that Ahmad, the king of Gujarāt, was about to invade
Mālwa.
Shortly
after this expedition, Mahmud led an army against Chitor to chastise Mahārāṇā
Kumbha for the support which he had extended to 'Umar Khan, the son of Muhammad
Shah Ghūrī. Now, in the Ranapura temple inscription of Mahārānā Kumbha, dated
V.S. 1496 (A.D. 1440), it is claimed that he defeated the Mlechchha kings, and
conquered, amongst others, the fort of Sarangapura, and that "his title as
the Hindu Sultan was made known by the umbrella of royalty given (him) by the
Sultan(s) protecting Gurjara and the territory of Dhilli". The Muslim
historians state that after ad- vancing into Chitor and defeating the Mahārāṇā's
troops in several engagements, Mahmud sent an army under his father to reduce
the territory in possession of the Rajputs near Mandasor which (Mandora),
according to the inscription cited above, along with Sarangapura, Nāgapura
(Nāgaur), Gāgaraṇara (Gāgraun) etc. were conquered by the Mahārāṇā. It seems
probable, therefore, that Kumbha, after entering into friendly relations with
the Sultāns of Delhi and Gujarat, invaded Malwa and advanced up to Mandasor,
possibly taking advantage of Mahmud's absence in his Delhi expe- dition. On his
return, Mahmud adopted the same tactics that he had used against Dungar Sen,
namely, advancing into the aggressor's territory to force him to retire from
Malwa. From the account left by the Muslim historians it appears that Mahmud
broke and dese- crated Hindu temples, and erected mosques in their places. He
also took more heinous measures to outrage their sentiment. It is, however,
apparent that Mahmud was obliged to return to Malwa without gaining any
success.
While
Mahmud was busy with the expedition against Mahārāṇā Kumbha, Sultan Mahmud
Sharqi of Jaunpur invaded Kalpi. The causes of this invasion and its results
have been narrated in connec- tion with the history of Jaunpur.
Shortly
afterwards (A.D. 1444), Mahmud again invaded the Mahārāṇā's dominion, this time
with the object of capturing the fort of Mandalgarh. He was again unsuccessful
and, after fighting an indecisive battle, had to retire.
In
1450, Gangādās, the Rājā of Champaner, sought Mahmûd's help, in exchange of a
monetary present, against Sultan Muhammad of Gujarat who was besieging
Champaner. Mahmud came to Gan- gādās's help, but had to retire without gaining success.
Next
year he again invaded Gujarāt and, after reaching Broach, was marching towards
the capital, when he suffered a crushing defeat and had to fall back, leaving
his baggage and eighty-one elephants behind him. Later, he sent his son
Ghiyas-ud-din to raid Surat,
Three
years later (A.D.1453), Mahmud again resolved to con- quer Rajputāna. Before
setting on the expedition, however, he entered into a treaty with Sultan
Qutb-ud-din of Gujarat. It was settled that the Gujarat army should plunder and
ravage such part of Kumbha's dominions as were contiguous to Gujarāt, and
Mahmūd Shah should take possession of the country of Mewar and Ajmer and all
the neighbouring countries; and whenever necessary, either of the parties
should not refuse to aid and help the other. 10
Mahmud
first invaded Härāvati, modern Bundi, which at this time was a part of Kumbha's
kingdom. After subjugating Hārā- vati, Mahmud was incited to attack the Bahmani
king by some dis- gruntled Deccani nobles, but as he laid siege to the fort of
Mähür, he found himself opposed by a superior army and beat a hasty re- treat.
Soon
after his return from the Deccan campaign, Mahmud was approached by his vassal
Rājā of Baglāna for help against Mubarak of Khandesh, who had invaded Baglana.
Mahmud sent an army to help the Räjä, and Mubarak fled away after suffering a
heavy defeat. Mubarak attacked Baglāna again next year, but again a Mälwa army
came to the rescue of the Rājā, and Mubarak went back to his country without
risking a battle.
After this Mahmud advanced against Chitor. According to the Muslim historians, Mahārāṇā Kumbha attempted to propitiate him by an indemnity, but as the coins bore the effigy of the Maharāņā, Mahmud refused to accept it, set about to ravage the country, and sent an army to waste the district of Mandasor. The course of this campaign is described in great detail by the Muslim histo- rians, but it is apparent from their accounts that Mahmud failed to conquer any part of the Mahārāṇā's territory except Ajmer. As noted elsewhere, (p. 162) a verse from the Chitor Kirtistambha in- scription claims that Mahārāņā Kumbha defeated the kings of Gujarāt and Malwa. On this Sir Wolseley Haig remarks: "The more famous column of victory at Chitor is said to commemorate victories over Mahmud of Gujarāt and Mahmud of Malwa. If this is so it, like some tall bully lifts its head and lies'."12 It is therefore necessary to quote Nizam-ud-dīn's version of the battle that took place as Mahmud, after conquering Ajmer, turned towards Mandalgarh: "Konbha also sent out his army from the fort dividing it into three detachments. The division, which confronted Taj Khan, and that which was opposed to 'Ali Khan, fought with arrows and lances and there was a great battle; and a large number of Mahmud Shah's troops were slain, while an innumerable host of Rajputs became food for the sword.... (At sunset) the two parties took up their quarters in their respective stations. In the morning the amirs and vazīrs collected in the royal pavilion, and submitted that as during that year the troops had been fighting repeated campaigns and the rainy season was near, it would be fitting and proper, if he would rest and repose for a few days in the capital city of Shādīābād, in order to repair the damage and injury to the army; and make after the rains, with a fully equipped army, a king-like attempt to cap- ture the fort. Sultan Mahmûd returned and rested for some days."
This
undoubtedly shows that Mahmûd was worsted in the fight and was glad to retire
on any pretext, and this was probably the occasion, as Col. Briggs pointed out,
of the erection of the Kirtis- tambha. Mahmud again invaded Mahäränä Kumbha's
territory, in 1456 and 1458, but though he was able to break a number of
temples, he failed to gain any success.
In
September 1461 Mahmüd invaded the Bahmani kingdom at the instigation of Malik
Nizam-ul-Mulk Ghūrī. 14 On his way he made an attempt to conquer the fort of
Asīr but ultimately finding the task to be impossible, accepted the token
submission of 'Adil Khãn of Khandesh. He then proceeded further and was soon
confronted by the Bahmani army under the nominal command of the boy king Nizām
Shah. In the battle that followed, the Bahmani army broke through the left wing
of Mahmud's army and started to plunder the Malwa camp. Suddenly Mahmud, who
was waiting with twelve thousand horsemen for such an opportunity, attacked the
Bahmani soldiers.
from their rear, and completely defeated them. The boy king Nizam Shah was removed in haste to join his mother Malika-i-Jahän at Bidar, from where they shifted to Firūzābād, while Mahmud be- sieged the former city. In this predicament Malika-i-Jahan appeal- led to Mahmud Begarha of Gujarat for help. Mahmud Begarha soon arrived with an army of 80,000 horse, and Mahmud Gāvān, the famous Bahmanī minister, marched out by way of Bir and received reinforcement from Mahmud Begarha. Mahmud (of Malwa) found his line of retreat entirely cut off and was forced to flee through eastern Berar, followed by Mahmud Gāvān. Soon Mahmüd's flight became a rout and abandoning all his heavy baggage and elephants, which he blinded, he entered the Gond territory where many of his soldiers died of thirst and many were killed by marauders.
A
year after this disastrous defeat, Mahmud again set out to invade the Bahmanī
kingdom, which was during this period repeated- ly attacked by the king of
Orissa. Mahmud seems to have entered into an alliance with the latter, for on
his way to the Deccan he received 530 elephants from the Orissa king. As he had
lost his elephants in the previous campaign, this present must have been very
welcome to him. He also received at this time from Mustanjad Billah Yusuf, the
Caliph, a robe of honour and a mandate conferring on him imperial dignity. The
Caliphs during this period were nonentities, still the Muslim potentates of
India attached great value to these recognitions.
When
Mahmûd reached near Daulatābād, he heard that Mahmûd Begarha was advancing
against him. Mahmud therefore returned to Malwa after ravaging a few places on
his way.
Four
years later (A.D. 1466) Mahmud sent a marauding expedi- tion under an officer
to ravage Ellichpur. This expedition was successful and next year the Bahmani
king concluded a treaty of peace, ceding Berar, as far as Ellichpur to Malwa
while, Mahmüd on his part promised to respect the new frontier. The disputed
territory of Kherla (Mahmüdäbäd) was left to Malwa.15 Later, the governor of
Kherla and the local Hindu chief rebelled but were crushed by Mahmud. Another
rebellion broke out in A.D. 1468-9 (A.H. 873) in Kachwärah (Khajuraho?), but
was put down, after which Mahmud built a fortress in the country.
Later
in the same year (A.H. 873) Buhlül Lodi sent Shaikhzada Muhammad Farmali and
Kapur Chand, the son of the Rājā of Gwalior, as ambassadors to Mahmud.16 Soon
after, Mahmud started from Fathābād, where he had received the Delhi embassy,
for his capital. He died on the way in May, 1469.17
Mahmud
was the most powerful Sultan of Malwa, and though many of his campaigns ended
in failure, he was able to increase his kingdom, which reached its greatest
extent during his reign. In spite, however, of his almost continuous campaigns,
he seems to have left behind a stable government which withstood even the
vagaries of his successor. He was a great builder and erected a column to
commemorate his victory over Mahārāņā Kumbha. Mahmud was a pious Musulman, and
introduced the lunar calendar in Malwa. But he was a bigot and not only loved
to destroy the images and temples of the Hindus, but also outraged their
religious sentiments in all possible ways.
2.
GHIYAS-UD-DİN (A.D. 1469-1500)
Mahmud
was succeeded by his eldest son Ghiyās-ud-din, who on his accession declared it
to be his firm policy to remain at peace with his neighbours and enjoy the
pleasures of life. So faithfully did he adhere to this policy that when Buhlul
Lodī raided Pālam- pur, he was with great difficulty recalled to a sense of
duty by his ministers, and even then sent an army under some officers instead
of taking the field himself. He was a bigot like his father, but in some
respects even surpassed him. Champaner, attacked by Mahmud Begarha, turned to
Malwa for help, but he refused on the ground that it was unlawful for a
Musulman to help an infidel against Musulmans. Thus he changed the traditional
policy of the Sultans of Malwa and allowed the strong fort of Champaner to be
annexed to Gujarāt.
In
spite, however, of his declared policy of peace there are reasons to believe
that he attacked Chitor twice and was twice defeated, as has been related in
connection with the history of Mewär. 18
Ghiyäs-ud-din,
at the beginning of his reign, entrusted the management of the State to his son
Nasir-ud-din, and devoted all his time to the management of his harem, where he
had collected more than 16,000 women. He was however of a deeply religious
temperament, and, being gullible, fell a prey to tricksters. A man, who brought
him the hoof of an ass and claimed that Jesus Christ rode the same animal when
he entered Jerusalem, received 50,000 tankas for the hoof. Three other persons
sold for the same amount three more hoofs of a similar kind with the same
story. Then a fifth man came to him with another hoof and the same story, and
the Sultan paid him 50,000 tankas for it. There- upon one of the royal
attendants remarked that perhaps the ass of Jesus had five legs, to which the
Sultan replied that perhaps the last vendor of the hoof was telling the truth,
while one of the others may have been wrong.
As
may be expected, the last days of Ghiyas-ud-din was em- bittered by a struggle
for the throne between his two sons, Nasir- ud-din and 'Ala-ud-din, in which
his favourite queen Khurshid espoused the cause of the latter. Nasir-ud-din,
however, emerged victorious, and ascended the throne on October 22, 1500.
'Ala-ud-din was executed and Khurshid committed to prison, but Ghiyās-ud- din,
then sinking to his grave, was left unmolested. Soon after Ghiyās-ud-din died
(February 28, 1501) which gave rise to a rumour that he had been poisoned by
his son.
3.
NASIR-UD-DIN (A.D. 1500-1511)
The
beginning of Nasir's reign was troubled by the rebellion of some of his nobles,
who refused to acknowledge him as king. Nasir, however, was able to suppress
the rebellions and, in A.D. 1503, headed a marauding expedition against Chitor.
According to the Muslim historians he was bought off by Mahārānā Raimal, but according
to the Rajput chronicles, the Malwa army, which came to aid two Rajput
traitors, suffered a disastrous defeat.
Nasir-ud-din
was a cruel man by nature, and this trait was aggravated by his intemperate
habits. This disgusted his nobles, some of whom instigated his son
Shihäb-ud-din to rebel. Nasir- ud-dîn, however, crushed the rebel forces and
Shihab-ud-din fled to Chanderi. Though Nasir-ud-din forebore from taking
extreme steps against his son who disregarded his call to submit to him, he
nominated his younger son, A'zam Humäyün, as his heir, and bestow- ed on him
the title of Mahmud Shah. A few days later Nasir-ud-din died and immediately
Mahmud Shah II ascended the throne (May, 2, 1511). On hearing of his father's
death, Shihäb-ud-din made a bid for the throne, but was defeated and took
shelter in the fortress of Asir.
4.
MAHMUD SHAH II (A.D. 1511-1531)
The
main interest in the history of Mälwa during the reign of Mahmud II, is the
clash between the Hindu and the Muslim nobles. As we shall see, the Hindus had
become very powerful in Mälwa, and Mahmud ultimately lost his throne by
antagonizing them.
It
appears that the Hindus had been occupying high offices, at least in the
revenue department, since the reign of Ghiyäs-ud-dîn. During the reign of Nasir-ud-din
one Basanta Rai became the wazir, and was confirmed in his post by Mahmud.
According to Firishta, the Muslim amirs becaine hostile to him lest he should
become too powerful, while Nizam-ud-din relates that he failed to maintain
cordial relations with the army, and by his bad manner and haughty temperament
alienated the amirs and the sardārs. Therefore they one day murdered Basanta
Rai and the Naqd-ud-Mulk, who also was a Hindu, fled into the Sultan's harem
for protection. The amirs then wrote to Mahmud justifying their conduct and
demanded that the Naqd-ul-Mulk be surrendered to them. Mahmud acceded to this
request, and the amirs expelled the Naqd-ul-Mulk.
Mahmud
then placed the government in the hands of Iqbāl Khan and Mukhtass Khan, who
were the leaders of the conspiracy to murder Basanta Rai. Soon, however,
another noble, named Muhafiz Khan, poisoned the Sultan's mind against Iqbal
Khan and Mukhtass Khan, and matters came to such a pass that they fled and sent
for Shihab-ud-dîn. He eagerly started from Asir to contest the throne once
more, but died on the way (July 29, 1511).
Iqbal
Khan and Mukhtass Khan then sent the body of Shihab- ud-din to Mahmud for
burial, and raised the former's son (or adopted son) as a pretender under the
title of Hushang Shah.
Mahmud
performed dutifully the last rites of his brother, but sent an army against
Hüshang which forced him to flee. In the mean- time, Muhafiz Khān, whom Mahmud
had appointed wazir, had grown too powerful, and the rebels Iqbal Khan and
Mukhtass Khan appealed to Mahmud repenting for their past misdeeds and com-
plaining against Muhafiz Khān. One day Muhafiz insolently pro- posed that
Mahmud's eldest brother Sahib Khan should be put to death, and Mahmud, in
anger, struck the wazir with the scabbard of his sword. The latter, making good
his escape, raised a force and, releasing Sähib Khan from his prison,
proclaimed him king. Show- ing great personal bravery Mahmud escaped from his
capital to Ujjain to find that most of his nobles had deserted him. He, there-
fore, turned for help to a Hindu officer, Medini Rai, who was apparently a man
of outstanding ability with a large following. In the battle that ultimately
took place, Medini Rai and his Rajputs routed Sahib Khan's army and the latter
escaped first to Gujarat, and then to Käwil, in the Deccan.
Medini
Rai now became the most powerful man in Malwa and induced the king to execute
Afzal Khan and Iqbal Khan. This led some Muslim officers to rebel, and
recalling Sahib Khan to contest the throne once more, they appealed to Sikandar
Lodi for help against a Sultan who had placed the government in the hands of
the Hindus. Sikandar Lodi sent a contingent to help the rebellion, which at one
time showed good prospects of success. The situation for Mahmud was worsened by
an invasion of Malwa by Muzaffar II of Gujarāt, who was, however, recalled to
his own country by domes- tic disturbances. The details of these difficult
times are given both by Nizam-ud-din and Firishta from which it becomes
apparent that it was the steadfast support which Mahmud received from Medini
Rai and his Hindu followers that enabled him to retain his throne and
eventually recover his kingdom.
Later,
however, at the instance of Medinī Rãi he punished many nobles, and as
Nizam-ud-din puts it, "gradually things came to such a pass, that the
disposition of Mahmûd Shah turned from all the amirs, and in fact from all
Musalmans." This alienated the Muslims from Mahmud, and the Muslim nobles
began to leave Malwa. Medini Rai on his part filled most of the offices with
his nominees, who were all Hindus, and some of them adopted Muslim mistresses,
which gave the Muslims great offence.
Mahmud
felt restive under the power of Medinī Rāi, and one day politely dismissed him.
Medini Rai's followers first sent a mes- sage to the Sultan asking what fault
they had committed. They then met and proposed that Medini Rai's son should be
raised to the throne of Malwa. To this Medini Rai objected and said: "At
the present moment, the Sultanate of Malwa is in reality in our posses- sion.
If, however, Mahmud Shah does not remain as a buffer, Sultān Muzaffar Gujarātī
will come galloping along and seize the kingdom. Therefore, we should, in every
way that may be possible, endeavour to please our master".
Medini
Räi went to the Sultan, and begged to be forgiven, and the Sultan directed that
the former should reinstate the Muslim officials, forbid his men to interfere
in state affairs, and ask them to return the Musulman women. Medini Rai agreed
to all the condi- tions, but Salivahana, the wazir refused to obey the orders
of the Sultan in respect of his mistress. Mahmud, therefore, conspired with his
personal attendants, who were all Muslims, and the next day as Medini Rai and
Salivahana stepped out of the palace they were attacked by the royal guards.
Sälivähana was killed on the spot, but Medinī Rãi, though wounded, managed to
reach home. The infuriated followers of Medini Rai now attacked the Sultan who
resisted them with great bravery and repulsed them.
As
soon as Medini Rai came to learn of this he stopped his fol- lowers, and sent a
dutiful submission to the king, to which the latter also sent a gracious reply.
So when Medini Räi's wounds healed up, he began to attend the court regularly
as before and pay his respects to the Sultan daily. But it appears that Mahmud
had not been able to check the hegemony of the Hindus, and finding his position
unbearable, he one day escaped to Gujarat, accompanied by his favourite queen
and a single servant (A.D. 1517).
Mahmud
was cordially received by Muzaffar and soon a Gujarāt army, led by the two
kings, invaded Malwa and besieged Mandu. Medini Rai and his brother, Silhādi,
went to Mahārāṇā Sāngā to gain his help, leaving the affairs of Malwa in the
hands of Medini Rai's son, Rai Pithora, that is Prithvīrāja. Prithvīrāja
defended the fort of Mändū as long as possible, but ultimately it fell to the
invaders before Mahäränä Sängā could arrive, and a large number of Hindus were
massacred. Muzaffar then restored Mahmud to his throne and returned to Gujarat,
leaving a contingent of Gujarat cavalry to help Mahmud.
Though
Mahmud had thus recovered his capital, most of the strong points and forts such
as Chanderi, Kawun, Bhilsa, Raisen and Sarangpur were in the hands of Medini
Rai's followers. Mahmûd therefore besieged the fort of Gagraun which was held
by one Hema- karaṇa, on behalf of Medinī Rāi.
While
this siege was in progress, Medini Rai advanced into Malwa with the army led by
Mahārāṇā Sängã, and Mahmud, on hearing the news, hastily raised the siege and
advanced towards the Rajput army. As Mahmud's army was resting after a day's
march, the Mahārāṇā, without giving his troops any rest, suddenly attacked and
routed the Malwa army. Mahmud fell wounded and was taken a prisoner.
According
to Rajput chronicles, Mahmud was taken to Chitor, and was kept in honourable
captivity for a period of several months. Nizam-ud-din and Firishta, however,
relate that Mahmud was re- leased after he regained his health, and then the
Mahārāṇā returned to Chitor. But all the historians have praised highly this
generous conduct of the great Mahārāṇā. Nizām-ud-din says: "No act similar
to this wonderful one is known up to the present day".
Mahārāṇā
Sāngā has been adversely criticized for what has been called his misplaced
generosity. But it should be remembered that he annexed a part of Malwa, and
Silhādi, a Hindu chief, became the independent ruler of the territory extending
from Sarangpur to Bhilsa and Raisen. A Muslim noble, called Sikandar Khan, took
possession of the territory near Satwas. Thus Mahmud was left practically
powerless with a very small territory.
However,
Mahmud tried to regain his lost position and managed to conquer Sarangpur from
Silhādī. He sent a marauding expedi- tion to Chitor, and in retaliation
Mahārānā Ratansimha advanced up to Ujjain. Fortunately for Mahmud, Sultan
Bahadur of Gujarät had come near the Malwa frontier with his army to put down
some local disturbance, and he induced the Mahārāṇā to return.
Mahmud
offended Bahadur Shah, the successor of Muzaffar II of Gujarat, by granting
asylum to Bahadur's rival to the throne, Chand Khan, whose agents approached
Babur to invade Gujarat, Sultan Bahadur therefore determined to chastise
Mahmud. Alarmed at this invasion Mahmud called Silhadi and Mu'in Khan, son of
Sikandar Khan, to his aid, and bestowed several parganas on the former and the
title of Masnad 'Ali and other honours on the latter. But they deserted Mahmud
and joined Bahadur.
Mahmud then sent ambassadors to win over Bahadur, who wanted Mahmud to come and meet him. This, however, Mahmud steadfastly refused to do under various pretexts. Bahadur therefore continued his advance and Mahmud shut himself up in the fort of Māndū, determined, with a pathetic eagerness, to enjoy the last days of his life.
The
fort fell to Bahadur on May 25, 1531, 19 and Mahmud was in- duced by his nobles
to submit to Bahadur. Bahadur received him affably, but took serious offence at
the harsh language used by Mahmud. Three days later, on a Friday, public
prayers in Mändū were read in Bahādur's name and next day Mahmud and his sons
were put in chains and sent under an escort to be confined in Champa- ner. On
the way the escort was attacked one night by some Bhils and Kolis, and Mahmud,
roused by the tumult, broke his chains, but was overpowered by his guards who
killed him lest he should escape.
Bahadur's
main act after annexing Malwa was to crush Silhādi, who had refused to part
away with his Muslim mistress. Silhadi's fort, Raisen, fell after a gallant
fight, and his son and followers took shelter at Chitor. Bahadur then appointed
Muslim nobles to various offices and returned to Gujarat. For the duration of
Bahadur's reign Malwa remained a province of Gujarat.
Reference
1.
According to Sir W. Haig, "Dilavar Khan never assumed the style of
royalty" (CHI, III. 349). But both Nizam-ud-din (TA, III, ii, 468) and
Firishta (Briggs, IV, 169-70) definitely state that Dilavar declared his
independence and assumed the paraphernalia of sovereignty.
2.
For a discussion of this dale see Nizam-ud-din, op. cit. 467, f.n. 6.
3.
This victory of Allaḍa is referred to in several contemporary works and
inscrip- tions. For detailed reference and discussion see N. Venkataramanayya:
The Gajapati Bhanudeva IV, PIHC, XIII (1950), 161. The Muslim historians do not
refer to this incident.
3a.
24° 38′ N., and 76° 12′ E.
4.
TMB, pp. 209-10.
4a.
24° 48' N., and 72° 32′ E.
5.
For this lake see Imperial Gazetteer, VIII. p. 121. Bhojpur is situated in 23°
6' N.. and 70° 38′ E. Sir W. Haig, following Briggs, describes the Hindus as
robbers and does not mention the destruction of the lake. He adds that after
this Hüshang built the town of Hüshangabad. But there seems to be no authority
for this statement.
6.
As regards the date of Muhammad Shah's death and that of Mahmud Khalji's
accession, there is a conflict between the numismatic evidence which places
both in 840 A.H. (A.D. 1436-7) and the account of the contemporary writer,
Shihab-i-Hakim,
according to whom Mahmud ascended the throne on 29 Shaw- wal 839 (May 16,
1436). However, Muhammad Shah's gold coin, bearing the date 840 A.H. to which
Wright has referred, appears to be a posthumous one which was presumably issued
by the supporters of the Ghurid line to which Muhammad Shah and his two
predecessors belonged. Wright has similarly catalogued three coins of Mahmud
Khaljī I with the dates 877, 878 and 883 A.H. although Mahmud died in 873 A.H.
The practice of issuing posthumous coins was also repeated in the case of
Husain Sharqi who died in 905 A.H., but coins issued in his name in 906, 907,
909 and 910 are available.
Wright
has probably not consulted the contemporary work Ma'asir-i- Mahmud Shāhi the
evidence of which ought to be considered reliable with regard to the rise to
power of Mahmud Khalji who was its author's patron. Ma'asir-i-Mahmud Shāhi,
Tubingen MS. fols. 52, 243, Bodleian MS. fols. 57, 60, Wright: Catalogue of
Coins, Calcutta, 11, pp. 218-19, 247. Numismatic Chronicle IV, 1904, p. 99.
Lane-Poole: Coins, Muhammadan States, p. 107. (This note was written by Dr.
Hamid-ud-din. Ed.)
7.
In CHI, III. 354, the city is called "Shahr-i-Nau" and it is stated
that it is not now traceable". Though in some MSS. the place is called
"Shahr-i-Nau”, in one MS of TA, it is called "Shahr-i-Narwar",
and Briggs calls it Narwar, in his translation of Firishta (IV, p. 205). Narwar
is a well-known place, and il is situated on the river Sind, about 50 miles to
the SSW. of Gwalior.
7a.
P. 135.
8.
Ranapura Temple Inscription, 11. 17 and 26. Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions
of Kattywar, p. 114. It has sometimes been held that Mahārāṇā Kumbha defeated
and captured Sultan Mahmud in 1437 (H. B. Sarda Mahārāṇā Kumbha p. 51). But the
evidence for such a conclusion does not appear to be convincing, 9. "One
large figure (image) in particular, representing a ram, and formed of solid
marble, being consumed, the Rajputs were compelled to eat the calcined parts
with pan, in order that it might be said that they were made to eat their
gods" (Briggs, Tr. of Firishta, IV, 209). Nizam-ud-din also relates the
same incident. (TA, III, ii, 513-14).
10.
TA, III, ii, p. 525. The reading of Ajmere is doubtful. Elsewhere Nizam-ud-din
writes
Ambar, (TA, III, 232),
11.
The Kumbhalgarh inscription (quoted by H. B. Sarda, Mahārānā Kumbha, p. 84)
states that Kumbha "vanquished the Hārās and received a tribute from
them." 12. CHI, III. 361.
13.
Sir Wolseley Haig does not mention this battle at all though it is corrobo-
rated by Firishta, and has been rightly criticised by Dr. B. Prasad (TA, III,
ii, p. 529-30 £n.). Firishta's statement that Kumbha concluded peace by paying
a large amount in gold and specie, when compared with Nizām-ud-dīn's version,
shows what little value is to be placed on such accounts of repeated suc-
cesses and victories of Muslims against a particular Hindu kingdom without any
tangible result. The contemporary Rajput inscriptions, claiming success against
the Muslim invaders, is deserving of at least as much credit as the later
Muslim chronicles, and there is no good ground to believe the latter and reject
the former, as is usually done by European historians.
14.
According to Sir Wolseley Haig, Nizam-ul-Mulk Ghüri was assassinated by the
Bahmani king Humayun Shāh, whereupon his relatives induced Mahmûd to invade the
Deccan. But both Nizam-ud-din and Firishta state that the instiga- tor was
Nizam-ul-Mulk Ghūrī himself. Tabatabā merely says "at the instiga- tion of
the Ghūris" (BK, 90).
15.
According to Tabataba the districts of Ahmedabad and Mahur were retained by the
Bahmanis and only Kherla was ceded to Malwa (BK, 100). Sir W. Haig writes that
under the treaty "Mahmud's possession of Kherla was confirmed but the
integrity of Berar, with that exception, was maintained." (CHI, III. 359).
But Nizam-ud-din states that Berar as far as Ellichpur was ceded to Malwa (TA,
538).
16.
The name is Shaikh Muhammad Farmali in the MSS, of the TA and in the litho-
graph edition of Firishta, but the lithograph edition of TA. and the CHI,
(III.
360) have Shaikhzada Muhammad Qarmali.
17.
According to both Nizam-ud-din and Firishta, Mahmud died on Ziqiadah 19, 873
which is May 26, 1469. Sir W. Haig, without giving any reference, writes that
Mahmud died on June 1, 1469. For the date of Mahmud's death, see n. 9 under D.
Jaunpur on the next page.
18.
B.K., 90. Eklingji temple Inscription v. 6. Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions
of Kattywar, p. 21. The verses state that Mahārānā Rājamalla (Rajmal) defeated
Gyas, the Saka King, who can only be Ghiyas-ud-din, the Sullan of Malwa, This
is corroborated by the unpublished Raimal Raso quoted by H. B. Sarda
(Mahārāṇā
Sāngā, p. 60) who describes the genesis of the quarrel.
19.
According to Nizam-ud-din (TA, III, 353 and 612) the fort fell on 9th Sha'bān,
937 A.H. The year 937 A.II. corresponds to AD. 1530-31 so that it cannot be
A.D. 1528 as given in (the translation of) the TA.
1.
Sec above, p. 92.
2.
See above, p. 122.
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