Dr. Muhammad Ali Dinakhel *
Abstract.
Pashtuns played an important role in Indian medieval history. Yusufzai is among the powerful Pashtun tribes living in the eastern parts of Pashtun land. They belong to Sarbani group of Pashtuns. On account of their internal differences, they failed to establish a compact state or confederacy of tribes. Yusufzais migrated to Kabul from Garra and Nushki a region between Qandahar and Qarabagh i.e. south of Ghazni about the end of thirteenth or beginning of the fourteenth century. They became powerful during the reign of Mirza Ulugh Beg. They migrated to their present home in the sixteenth century. Baburnama is an important source for understanding the relations of Babur with Yusufzai Pashtuns. It is Babur, who in his memoirs Baburnama, for the first time mentions Yusufzai tribe of Pashtuns In Afghan homeland. Like other tribes of Hindustan, Babur initiated attacks against Yusufzai but very soon he adopted diplomacy and married Bibi Mubaraka, the daughter of Yusufzai’s chief Malak Shah Mansur Yusufzai. This article attempts to analyse Babur and Yusufzai relation in the light of Baburnama and other contemporary sources.
Key Words: Babur, Baburnama, Yusufzai, Bibi Mubaraka, Pashtuns, Pashto Literature.
Babur and his Literary Works. Babur1 born on February 14, 1483 in Andijan (Babur, 1996: 448). He succeeded his father at the age of 11 years to the throne of Farghana on 8th June 1494. He took Kabul on June 14, 1504 (Babur, 1996: 449) and styled himself as Padishah in 1507 (Babur, 1996: 266). Before this usually Mughals were known as Mirzas. He initiated South Asian Timurid renaissance (Dale, 1996: 636).2 Baburnama is autobiography of Babur. Its original title is not Baburnama but Waqa’i (Dale, 1996: 636). Stanley Lane-Pool admired Babur’s autobiography and ranked it with the Confessions of St. Augustine and Rousseau and the Memoirs of Gibbon and Newton. After his death in 1530, besides unfinished autobiographical memoirs, he left a Diwan of Turki poetry and versified works on Sufism and Islamic law (Dale, 1996: 637). Baburnama covers more than a dozen disciplines. Names of geographical locations, natural resources and events in the life of Asia are widely available.
Urdu and English translations of Baburnama. Many books about life and achievements of Babur have been published in Pakistan in Urdu language. Mawlana Habibur Rahman Sherwani (d. 1951) published a book in 1927, titled “Tazkira Ghazi Zahiruddin Muhammad Babur”. Baburnama has been translated into almost thirty languages. In Urdu and in English languages it has more than one translation. Baburnama known with different names like Tuzk eBaburi, Tuzuk Baburi, Waqai’ Baburi and Baburnama. Abdur Rahim Khan-i-Khanan, who by instruction of Akbar, translated it into Persian in 1589, named it Waqai’ Baburi. Baburnama has been translated into Urdu by four different translators. Mirza Nasiruddin Haider translated Baburnama into Urdu in 1898 at Haiderabad by the name Tuzak-e-Baburi. For the first time it was published with the efforts of his sister Sultana Begum in 1924 in Matb’a Muhammadan Printing Works Delhi. For the second time it was published by the Book Land Karachi in 1962. For the third time it was published by Al-faisal Nashiran wa Tajiran-e-Kutab Lahore in 2006.3 Rashid Akhtar Nadvi translated Baburnama and published by the title Tuzak-e-baburi in 1987 at Sang-e-Meel Publications. It is based on Persian translation of Abdur Rahim Khan-i-Khanan.4 This translation is based on Persian translation which published at Chatra parbha press Mumbai. Maktaba al-hasanat Rampur has also published it. Muhammad Qasim Siddiqui translated and published an abridged version of Baburnama in Urdu in 1983 at Taraqi Urdu Beauro Delhi. It contains 64 pages. The fourth and latest Urdu translation of Baburnama is that of Yunas Ja’fari, published by Indus Publications Karachi. It contains 396 pages and is called Waqai’ Baburi. It is also interesting that Chaghtai text of Babur’s memoir on which one of the English translations is based, has been discovered in Peshawar in 1810. There are three translations of Baburnama in English. For the first time it was translated into English by John Leydon and William Erskine in 1828 [26]. Second English translation was published by Anetta Susannah Beveridge in two volumes in 1921. The latest English translation is that of the Wheeler Thackston appeared in 1996. Wheeler Thackston translated the articles and proverbs omitted by early English translators. Therefore, Wheeler Thackston’s translation is considered as perfect (Qodirovna, 2020: 9). Translations of Baburnama contributed greatly to the development of world literature.
Yusufzai Pashtuns. Ibn-e-Batota, in 1330 noted Pashtuns’ settlement in Kabul and described them as “Persians called Afghans” who inhabited territory between Kabul and the Indus (Gibb, 1993:590).5 Pashtuns have played a key role in medieval history of India. The formation of Pashtuns as a collection of Pashto speaking tribes within a territory now shared by Afghanistan and Pakistan has processed over the last millennium. The Yusufzais are the most numerous and powerful of the Eastern Pashtun tribes (Samrin, 2006- 2007: 292).6 Due to internal disputes, they failed to establish any large and compact state, or even any enduring confederacy of tribes. (Samrin, 2006-2007: 292). But in this process the Yusufzais played an important part by moving into the territory north of Kabul River and settling in Peshawar, Panjkora valley, Swat and adjacent tracts. (Khan, 1860-72: 237-46)7
Traditional progenitor of Yusufzai, Qais, had three sons: Sarban, Gharghasht and Betan. Yusufzai belong to Sarbani group. In Sarbani, there is a tribal group Khakhi. Khakhi claiming descent from one Mandai. Mandai had two sons Umar and Yusuf. Umar’s son sought his cousin’s (Yusuf’s) daughter in marriage and they had two sons whom they named Yusuf and Mandar. The two tribes Yusufzai and Mandar are descended from them. Yusuf had five noted sons: Musa, Ako, Mali, Isa, Badi. Yusufzais had been expelled from Gerra and Nushki8 in the neighborhood of Kandahar about the end of the thirteenth or beginning of the fourteenth century. It is also said that the original encampment of Yusufzais were between Qandahar and Qarabagh i.e. south of Ghazni. From there they migrated to Kabul. They grew in number, got influence and became powerful at the time when Kabul was ruled over by Babur’s uncle Mirza Ulugh Beg (1469-1502) (Elphinstone, 1839: 2).9. Malak Suleman Shah was chief of Yusufzai and other tribes. Mirza Ulugh Beg requested Malak Suleman Shah for his help in recapturing Kabul and Ghazni. Later on, hostilities between Ulugh Beg and Yusufzais emerged. Ulugh beg was looking for an opportunity to ward off the Kingdom of Kabul from the Yusufzais’ arrogance. Ulugh Beg exploited internal hostilities of Gigyani and Yusufzais and broke their power in Kabul. Ulugh Beg killed hundreds of Yusufzais maliks in Kabul. After their fall in Kabul, they migrated to Laghman, Peshawar valley, Bajaur and Swat (Panjkora valley) in the leadership of Malak Ahmad Khan in the sixteenth century. Mughal historians Abul Fazal10 and Muhammad Kazim11 have given a fair cogent account of the migration of the Yusufzais.
Early in the seventeenth century (1613) they were nine lacs (Harvi, p.577).12 According to Elphinstone, Yusufzais along with their faqirs and dependents are not more than seven lacs and that their dependents are more numerous than them (Elphinstone, 1839, 27).13 Raverty estimated them two lacs families (Raverty, 1878: 192).14
Babur Relations with Yusufzai Pashtuns. In 1504 Babur came to Kabul and went through the Khyber Pass to Peshawar for entering into Hindustan (Babur, 1996: 277). Babur came into contact with Pashtuns in the year 1505 AD, when he established himself as the ruler of Kabul. When Babur passed through their country (Swat and surroundings) on his way to Hindustan, Yusufzai were considered an important and powerful tribe (Babur, 1921: 230-32).15 In beginning Babur resorted harsh measures against Yusufzai but soon he realized the inadvisability of such a policy. He adopted a more diplomatic policy of conciliation and repression. He deemed it suitable to befriend with Yusufzais through diplomacy. Babur offered employment in army to Pashtuns and also matrimonial alliance was established with them. In response to his policy a number of Pashtun chiefs surrendered to him in 1506. A chief of Yusufzai, Malak Shah Mansur along with six other Yusufzais chiefs offered submission to him. All such chiefs were honoured with robes of honour and were granted other rewards (Joshi, 1985: 32-33).16
When he camped at Panjkora, Malik Shah Mansur, son of Malik Suleman Shah, had come and become one of his supporters. Babur decided to enter into matrimonial alliance with Yusufzai In order to strengthen his ties with them. He asked Malik Shah Mansur’s daughter in marriage. In 1519 A.D., Bibi Mubaraka, the daughter of Malak Shah Mansur was betrothed to him. Babur hoped this marriage would win her tribe’s allegiance (Babur, 1921: 375). Elphinstone has also given this reason of Babur’s marriage with Yusufzai girl (Elphinstone, 1839: 11). They were at this camp that word came that Shah Mansur’s daughter was coming with the Yusufzai tribute. Taus Khan Yusufzai, Shah Mansur’s younger brother, brought his niece to this camp (Babur, 1996: 273). The date of marriage according to Humayun Nama was Sunday 30th January 1519.17 On his return from Bajaur he crossed the river Panjkora and camped at Diyarun18.Babur has described that that night there was a wine party to which Sultan Alauddin19 had also been invited. He was granted a royal robe. He gave an important position to her in the harem. Her brother Mir Jamal accompanied him on his Indian expedition (Joshi, 1985: 33).
On Sunday the twenty-eighth they left the Kahraj valley and camped. He disguised himself as Faqir while visiting Bibi Mubaraka. It can be called a marriage of convenience. Gulbadan Begum in Humayun Nama mentioned her name as Afghani Aghacha. There are no details about her life in Baburnama. Despite his marriage with Bibi Mubaraka, Babur was not satisfied with the attitude of the Yusufzai malaks. Despite this marriage with Yusufzai’s chieftain daughter, Babur intended to attack Swat for grain but it was late and he knew that lowland grain had been taken. He avoided attack on Swat having a fear of sufferings of his soldiers. At that time, he managed to attack the Yusufzai and Muhammadzai of Hashnaghar and left Swat for next year (Babur, 1996: 273). When Babur attacked on Bajaur fortress, Shah Mansur Yusufzai was there at the conquest and massacre [of Bajaur fort]. Having completed his task in Bajaur, he then turned his attention towards the Yusufzais. Shah Mansur Yusufzai was clad in a robe and given leave to depart after orders and threats were written for the Yusufzai (Babur, 1996: 271).20 Shah Mansur’s daughter was placed in the Bajaur fortress until the army should return (Babur, 1996: 274). When Babur camped between Katlang and Maqam, Shah Mansur’s man also visited him (Babur, 1996: 274). On 23rd May 1519 Malak Shah Mansur went from Swat with six or seven Yusufzai chieftains to pay homage. On 31st May the Afghan chieftains with Shah Mansur were awarded robes of honor. Shah Mansur was given a brocaded underrobe with buttons, another was given a brocaded robe with fringe, and six others were clad in brocaded robes and given leave. It was stipulated that they were not to interfere in the territory of Swat above Abuha and they should release all the pheasants belonging to that territory (Babur, 1996: 289). Furthermore, it was also decided that the Afghans who cultivated Bajaur and Swat should remit to the divan21 six thousand loads of grain (Babur, 1996: 290). On 23rd September 1519 Babur determined to repulse the Yusufzai in Swat, but the Dilazak maliks said that there were many tribes in Hashnaghar, where much grain was to be found (Babur, 1996: 296). He not attacked on Swat and proved himself wiser than his grandson Akbar. While camped at the bottom of Khyber Pass, he was informed that the Afridi Afghans were camped with their families and animals in Bara, and have planted a lot of rice, which was ripe and still standing but they had planned to ride the Yusufzai Afghans in Hashnaghar and paid no attention to Afridis (Babur, 1996: 297).
On Wednesday the seventh of Muharram [January 19, 1519], Sultan Alauddin of Swat, the rival of Sultan-Ways of Swat, came and paid homage (Babur, 1996: 272).
Babur Matrimonial Alliance with Yusufzai and his Conquests of India. Establishing matrimonial relations with Yusufzai helped Babur in his conquests in India. Khushal Khan Khattak has mentioned the role of Pashtuns in the enthronement of Babur.
بيا له پسه د دهلي بادشاه بابر شو
چې يې کار د پښتانۀ په برکت و
Translation: After that Babur became king of Delhi/ his successes were due to Pashtuns. Khushal Khan has also compared Babur’s and Aurangzeb’s attitude towards Pashtuns and declared Babur comparatively good for Pashtuns.
د اورنګ په ظلم مات شول
د بابر د وخت بندونه
Translation:
the oppressions of Aurangzeb broken the closed
doors of Babur.
Bibi Mubaraka. Bibi Mubaraka is the fifth wife of Babur. Known as Afghan Lady and Afghani Achacha. She was the daughter of Malik Shah Mansur, grand-daughter of Malik Suleman Shah, niece of Taus Khan and sister of Mir Shah Jamal. She married to Babur at Kehraj on 30th January 1519. She was an intelligent woman and established a friendly relation between the Mughals and the Yusufzai Pashtuns. She was much loved by Babur as evidenced by the fact that she was one of the small and select party of ladies who were the first to join Babur in India in 1529. She lived through Humayun reign and died early in Akbar reign. Bibi Mubaraka is a character in Pashto, English and Urdu novels.
She was brought by her family to Babur as the seal of submission. She had no children, and was an altogether charming person in the eyes of those who have written of her (Begum, 1902:3).24
In 1519 Babar was away from Kabul on the expedition which gave him Bajaur and Swat, and which brought into the royal household Bibi Mubarika Yusufzai (Begum, 1902:9).
It is thus that Gul-badan always speaks of Bibi (Lady) Mubarika , the Yusufzai wife of Babar. There is no any disrespect attaching to aghacha, such as is indicated by concubine, as which it is sometime es translated (Begum, 1902:91).
Jehangir, in his memoirs, enumerated the gardens of Kabul, mentions one which belonged to Bega Begum, a widow of Babur. on the day in 1 545 when Humayun took Kabul from Kamran, he asked for food from Bega Begam, and he said of her that she was the very person who had brought Babar’s bones and laid them in Kabul. This Bega Begum was Babur’s wife Bibi Mubaraka Yusufzai. Babar’s body was still in its Agra tomb in 1539. (Gul-badan, 84b.) Maham was then dead ; Dildar’s movements exclude her from consideration Gul-rukh, if living, will have left Agra with her son Kamran before the Timurid exodus was enforced by defeat at Kanauj; Bibi Mubaraka remains, the probable and appropriate agent for fulfilling Babar’s wish as to the final disposition of his body. She lived into Akbar’s reign, and her character and respected position in the household add to the sum of probability that she would discharge this duty (Begum, 1902:216).
Babur’s body was not removed till after the fitrat, i.e., the Timurid downfall and exodus. Bega Begum, the [Bibi Mubaraka] must therefore have remained behind the rest of the royal family. This may have occurred in one of two natural ways. She might have stayed in Agra under the protection of one of the religious families and safeguarded by pious duty to Babar’s tomb, until Shir Khan gave permission to remove the body and a safe escort for her journey to his frontier; or she may even have been in Bengal and at Chausa with Humayun, and, like Bega (Haji) Begam, have been made captive. It would harmonize with Shir Khan’s known actions if he had allowed Babar’s widow to remove his bones, and if he had aided her pious task, i.e., the Timurid downfall and exodus (Begum, 1902:217).
She was a daughter of Shah Mansur Yusufzai, and was married by Babar at Kehraj on January 30th, 1519 (Muharram 28th, 925 H.) The alliance was the sign and seal of amity between him and her tribe. A charming account of her and her marriage is given in the Tawarikh-i-hafiz-i-rahmat -khani, and Mr. Beveridge has translated it in full under the title An Afghan Legend. Gul-badan never gives the name Mubarika (Blessed Damozel) as that of the Afghan lady (Afghani aghacha) whom she so frequently and pleasantly mentions. Hafiz Muhammad says that Mubarika was much beloved by Babar, and this is borne out by the fact that she was one of the small and select party of ladies who were the first to join him in India . She went there, it is safe to infer, with Maham and Gul badan in 1529. She bore no child, and this misfortune Hafiz Muhammad attributes to the envy of other wives who administered drugs to deprive her of motherhood and weaken her husband’s affection. She died early in Akbar’ reign (Begum, 1902:217).
He conquered Bajaur in two to three hours in 925 Hijri and killed its inhabitants. On the same day Malak Shah Mansur Yusufzai visited Babur. He married his daughter and allowed him to go back with a horse and royal robe. He was told to bring his people and inhabit them in his country (Begum, 1981: 19)25. Rahim Shaha Rahim, a Pashto novelist has fictionized the marriage of Bibi Mubaraka and Babur in his Pashto novel titled “Bibi Mubaraka”. An epic poem on Babur and his beloved Pathan empress is written by Sahibzada Riaz Noor. He threw light on little known aspect of the life of the great figures of world history. In this epic poem the poet has described the enchanted Pashtun land where Bibi Mubaraka grew up in her voice:
I opened my eye and grew up
In dales of pines and spruces
Cool waters feeding orchards
Of peaches plums and apricots
Grew up with friends fair
In nature’s pristine purity
Flowers and meadows green
Beatific youth was company mine
Bred in piety and learning
Graces of honour and arts
Though I was not queen yet
But best could I all hearts
My life of playful virtue
By a quke was struck suddenly
To my core deep me it shook
To betrothed to a Padishah Turk
Babur and Bibi Mubaraka. The test for Babur was to know him through the eyes of Bibi Mubaraka. On his death, he was temporarily entered in Agra but Bibi Mubaraka had promised her husband that she would take him to Kabul to bury him there. With the empire itself facing uncertainty, the burial wish of Babur was of little priority for his son but Bibi Mubaraka was determined to honour his husband’s last wish. She accompanied him on his last journey from Agra to Kabul full of dangers and challenges. Belonging to a quintessential Pashtun tribe, the Yusufzais, she followed the way of Pashtunwali and honour the last wish of her husband.
Noor has concluded his epic poem by these powerful lines of Bibi Mubaraka:
I brought him back
From Hind to Kabul
To lay him down
In his resting place final
Thus did I ultimately
Requite the love he gave me
In ever lasting
Timeless memory
CONCLUSION.
Baburnama, the autobiography of Babur is an important source for the study of Mughal and Yusufzai Pashtun relations. Among other Pashtun tribes, for the first time Babur mentioned Yusufzais in his autobiography. Babur, in Baburnama described his engagements with various Pashtun tribes like Yusufzais, Afridi, Aurakzais, Bangash, Turi, Dalazak, Mohmand, Lohani, Wazir, Isa Khel, Mahsud and Ghalji. He also mentions many places of Pashtuns accurately like Peshawar, Swat, Khyber, Bajaur, Ali Masjid, Kohat, Hangu, Swabi, Katlang, Muqam, Sudham, shtuns like Afghan enemies, darkened Afghans, thieves Afghans. In Baburnama he writes: “The Hindustan people, especially the Afghans, are amazingly devoid of sense and wisdom and far off the path of tactics and strategy (Babur, 1996: 279).” Babur realized the fact of diplomacy with Yusufzais as well as matrimonial alliance for getting their support for his conquests in India. Despite his matrimonial relations with Yusufzais he has not at all spared this tribe. Bibi Mubaraka Yusufzai proved her loyalty with Babur and succeeded bring his dead body from Agra to Kabul as per his last wish and will. Bibi Mubaraka was loved and respected by Babur and gave her a prominent place in harem.
Bibliography:
1. Babur (1921) Baburnama. English Translation by A.S. Beveridge, London.
2. Babur (1987) Tuzak-e-Baburi, Urdu Translation By Rashid Akhtar Nadvi, Lahore, Sang-e-Meel Publications.
3. Babur (1996), The Baburnama Memoirs of Babur, Prince and Emperor translated (English), edited and annotated by Wheeler M. Thackston, New York, Oxford University Press.
4. Babur, Muhammad Zahiruddin, (2006) Tuzak-e-Baburi, Urdu Translation by Mirza Nasiruddin Haider, Lahore, Lahore, Alfaisal Nashiran wa Tajiran-e-Kutab.
5. Begum, Gul Badan (1981), Humayun Nama. Urdu translation by Usman Haidar Mirza, Delhi, National Council for the Development of Urdu Language.
6. Begum, Gul-badan (1902), The History of Humayun (Humayun Nama) translated (English), with introduction, notes, illustrations and biographical appendix; and reproduced in the Persian from the only known Ms. Of the British Museum, by Annette
S. Beveridge, London, Royal Asiatic Society.
7. Begum, Gul-Badan (2001), Humayun Nama, English translation by Annette S. Beveridge, Delhi, Good word Books, pp: 266-267.
8. Dale, Stephen F. (1996), The Poetry and Autobiography of the Babur-Nama, in The Journal of South Asian Studies, Vol.55, No. 3 (August 1996).
9. Elphinstone, Mounstuart. (1839), An Account of the Kingdom of the Kabul Vol.II, London.
10.
Fazal, Abul (1973), Akbarnama, ed. Agha Ahmad Ali and Abdur Rahim, Calcutta.
12. Harvi, Niamatullah, Tarikh-i-Khan Jahani wa Makhzan-i Afghani, Vol.II. Ed. S.M. Imam Al-Din, Dacca.
13. Joshi, Rita (1985), The Afghan Nobility and The Mughals 1526-1707, New Delhi, Vikash Publishing House.
14. Kazim, Muhammad (1865-1873), Alamgirnama, ed. Khadim Hussain and Abdul Hai, Calcutta.
15. Khan, Khafi (1860-72), Muntakhibul Lubab Vol.II, Calcutta.
16. Khattak, Khushal Khan, (2008) Da Khushal Khan Khattak Kulyat, Peshawar, Danish Khparandoya Tolana, 2nd edn. 17. Raverty, Major Henry George (1878), Notes on Afghanistan and Balochistan, Vol.I.
18. Samrin, Farah (2006-2007), Yusufzais in Mughul History, in Proceedings of the Indian History Congress 2006-2007, Vol. 67.
Foot
Notes
*
Lecturer at Area Study Centre (Russia, China & Central Asia) University
of Peshawar, Pakistan. Email:
aliasc@uop.edu.pk
1
Babur’s father name is Umar Shaikh Mirza and mother name is Qutlagh Nigar Khanum. She was daughter of a descendent of
Genghiz Khan. Babur combined the Turkic
and Mongol blood in his veins. He also dopted many Persian traits. Thus Turkic, Mongol and Persian were present in
his personality and character.
2
Dale, Stephen F. (1996), The Poetry and Autobiography of the Babur-Nama,
in The Journal of South Asian Studies,
Vol.55, No. 3 (August 1996). 3 Babur, Muhammad Zahiruddin, (2006)
Tuzak-e-Baburi, Urdu Translation by
Mirza Nasiruddin Haider, Lahore, Lahore, Alfaisal Nashiran wa
Tajiran-e-Kutab. 4 Babur (1987)
Tuzak-e-Baburi, Urdu Translation By Rashid Akhtar Nadvi, Lahore, Sang-e-Meel Publications.
5
Gibb, H.A.R., (1993) The Travels of Ibn Battuta III, reprint, New Delhi. 6 Samrin, Farah (2006-2007), Proceedings of
the Indian History Congress 2006- 2007, Vol. 67 (2006-2007).
7
Khan, Khafi (1860-72), Muntakhibul Lubab Vol.II, Calcutta, pp. 237-246
8
Nushki is a locality now named Mashki, some thirty miles south of Ghazni. Thus, there can be no doubt that the original
seat of Yusufzais towards the beginning
of fourteenth century was in the neighborhood of Kandahar.
9
Elphinstone, Mounstuart. (1839), An Account of the Kingdom of the Kabul Vol.II, London, p.2
10
Fazal, Abul (1873), Akbarnama, ed. Agha Ahmad Ali and Abdur Rahim, Calcutta,
1973, p.475
11
Kazim, Muhammad (1865-1873), Alamgirnama, ed. Khadim Hussain and Abdul Hai, Calcutta, 1865-73, pp. 1039-40.
12
Harvi, Niamatullah, Tarikh-i-Khan Jahani wa Makhzan-i-Afghani, Vol.II. Ed. S.M. Imam Al-Din, Dacca, p. 577
13
Elphinstone, Mounstuart. (1839), An Account of the Kingdom of the Kabul Vol.II, London, p.27
14
Raverty, Major Henry George (1878), Notes on Afghanistan and Balochistan, Vol.I, p. 192
15
Babur (1921) Baburnama. English Translation by A.S. Beveridge, London, p. 230-32
16
Joshi, Rita (1985), The Afghan Nobility and The Mughals 1526-1707, New Delhi, Vikash Publishing House.
17
Begum, Gul-Badan (2001), Humayun Nama, English translation by Annette S. Beveridge, Delhi, Good word Books, pp:
266-267.
18
This village is situated at Union Council Khazana, Tahsil Samar Bagh, District Koz Dir in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa
province.
19
A rival of Sultan Ways, ruler of Swat.
20
Babur (1996), The Baburnama Memoirs of Babur, Prince and Emperor translated
(English), edited and annotated by Wheeler M. Thackston, New York, Oxford University Press.
21
Both the fiscal administration and the fiscal administrator (Baburnama, 451).
22
Khattak, Khushal Khan, Da Khushal Khan Khattak Kulyat, Peshawar, Danish Khparandoya Tolana, 2nd edn. 2008, P.
593.
23
Khattak, Khushal Khan, Da Khushal Khan Khattak Kulyat, Peshawar, Danish Khparandoya Tolana, 2nd edn. 2008, P.
159.
24
Begum, Gul-badan (1902), The History of Humayun (Humayun Nama Beveridge,
Annette S. (1902) The History of Humayun (Humayun Nama) translated (English),
with introduction, notes, illustrations and biographical appendix; and reproduced in the Persian from
the only known Ms. Of the British
Museum, by Annette S. Beveridge, London, Royal Asiatic Society.
25
Begum, Gul Badan (1981), Humayun Nama. Urdu translation by Usman Haidar Mirza, Delhi, National Council for the
Development of Urdu Language.
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