THE
FIVE SULTANATES OF THE DECCAN
I. General Review
It
has already been shown in Volume VI, Chapter XI, how the forces of
disintegration worked in the Bahmanl kingdom and ulti¬ mately brought about its
dissolution. With the weakness and in¬ capacity of the central government, the
provincial governors became all-powerful within their jurisdictions, and one by
one, five auto¬ nomous States came into existence, viz., Ahmadnagar, Bijapur,
Berar, Golconda and Bidar. The process of disintegration started with Malik
Ahmad Nizam-ul-Mulk, the governor of Junnar, who refused to obey the behests of
Qasim Band, the Prime Minister of the roi faineant, Sultan Mahmud Shah Bahmanl
(1482-1518), and in A.D. 1490 assumed independence in the city of Ahmadnagar
founded by him. His example was followed by Yusuf ‘Adil Khan, the governor of
Bijapur, and Fathullah ‘Imad-ul-Mulk, the governor of Berar, in the same year.
These governors enjoyed full autonomy within their respective jurisdictions,1
and owed only nominal allegiance to the Bahmanl Sultan at Bidar. Sultan
Qutb-uLMulk, the governor of Telingana, also followed their footsteps in 1518la
after the death of Mahmud Shah. On the demise of Qasim Band in 1504 his son,
Amir Band, controlled the administration of the decadent Bahmanl kingdom. But
with the flight of Kalimullah, the last Bahmanl Sultan, from Bidar in A.D.
1528, Amir Barld was relieved of his phantom Sultan who, at first, went to
Bijapur and thence to Ahmad¬ nagar, and breathed his last in 1538. Like the
four autonomous States mentioned above, Amir Barld thus had one such unit, but
he never formally assumed the title of “Shah”, and it was his son ‘All Barld,
who succeeded him in A.D. 1542 and assumed the title of “Shah”.£
In Berar, the khutbd was read in the name of ‘Imad-uLMulk for the first time in A.D. 1529.3 So far as Bijapur was concerned, it was Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah I, the fourth ruler (1535-1557), who took the title of Shah3a and in regard to Golconda, Ibrahim Qutb Shah, the third ruler (1550-1580), called himself Shah. But it is not of much importance if any ruler out of sentiment did not assume the regal title; the fact remains that when there was no scion of the ruling dynasty on the BahmanI throne and the Sultan ceased to function, the provincial governments mentioned above who had so long acknowledged allegiance to the BahmanI emperor acquired the position of sovereign monarchs.
Five
independent Sultanates thus came into existence; namely, the ‘Adil Shah! of
Bijapur, the Qutb Shahi of Golconda, the Nizam Shahi of Ahmadnagar, the Band
Shahi of Bldar, and the ‘Imad Shahi of Berar. Of these, Berar and Bldar were
ultimately absorbed by their respective powerful neighbours, Ahmadnagar and
Bijapur. Berar was annexed in A.D. 1574 and Bldar in A.D. 1619. Some modern
writers are of opinion that Bldar was annexed by Bijapur in A.D. 1609, but this
view does not seem to be correct, for Bldar helped Malik ‘Ambar in his struggle
with the Mughuls as late as 1616.4 According to the Basatln-us-Saldim it fell
in 1619,5 and this date is accepted by Sir Wolseley Haig.6 Of the rest, viz.,
Golconda, Bijapur, and Ahmadnagar, the last two played very significant roles
in the Deccan and shaped the history of south of the Narmada for a long time.
“The heritage of the Bahmanis passed into the worthy hands of Nizam Shah and
Adil Shah. Ahmadnagar and Bijapur now became centres which fully kept up the
traditions of Islamic dominion and Islamic culture founded by the Sultans of
Kulbarga.”7
The respective positions of the five Sultanates were as follows: Ahmadnagar was situated to the south of Khandesh and north of Bijapur. Berar was on the north-eastern side of Ahmadnagar, and when the former was annexed by the latter, the north-eastern boundary of Ahmadnagar also touched the south-eastern boundary of Khandesh. Bldar was situated on the eastern and south-eastern sides of Bijapur and Ahmadnagar respectively and “Golconda’s western boundary was mostly identical with the eastern frontier of Bldar.” So Bldar was surrounded by the three powerful kingdoms of Bijapur, Ahmadnagar and Golconda.
The
most important feature of the Deccan politics was the keen rivalry and frequent
warfare among the three big States, viz., Ahmadnagar, Bijapur and Golconda for
hegemony of the Deccan. As all these three had the same object in view, the
repeated trials of strength arising out of their selfish greed not only
disturbed peace and tranquillity in that region but often retarded the pro¬
gress of Islam there. The small States of Berar and Bldar were also not immune
from rivalry and warfare, and they joined hands with one party or the other as
suited their own purpose. But here one question naturally arises: how could
Berar and Bldar survive such a long time in the teeth of opposition from their
powerful neighbours? This was possible mainly because of the natural jea¬
lousies and animosities of the great powers who were interested more in
annihilation of their rivals than crushing the small States. Moreover, the
rival States were always alert in maintaining the balance of power in the Deccan
and did not like to tolerate any ac¬ cession of strength of their adversary.
This hindered the big powers from swallowing the weaker and smaller States and
it also partly accounts for the prolonged life of the latter.
Although
efforts were made from time to time to make up the differences of the States by
marriage and other friendly alliances, they could not pave the way for lasting
peace. The bitterness with which their wars were sometimes carried on led one
or other of them even to take the assistance of the Hindu kingdom of Vijaya
nagara to crush its adversary, and it was only on rare occasions that we find
them acting together for a common cause. It was for the first time in 1564 that
the four Sultans of Bijapur, Ahmadnagar, Golconda and Bldar agreed to unite and
proceed against Vijaya nagara and ultimately fought together in the battle,
popularly known as the battle of Talikota, in 1565. Malik ‘Ambar’s adroitness
again knit together Ahmadnagar, Bijapur and Golconda to stem the tide of Mughul
aggression in the south.
The
period which witnessed such turmoil and frequent warfare in the Deccan also
produced some of the best administrators and statesmen like Malik ‘Ambar and
Ibtfahlm ‘Adil Shah II, of whom any country may be proud. “Malik Ambar,” says
Sir J. N. Sarkar, “is one of the three true statesmen that Islam in southern
India has produced, and in some respects he is the greatest of them. In con¬
structive genius and the combination of high military capacity with
administrative skill, he towers above Khvaja Mahmud Gavan and Sir Salar
Jang.”8
Fine
specimens of architecture were produced both at Golconda and Bijapur. The
architectural works at Bijapur are “marked by a grandeur of conception and
boldness in construction unequalled by any edifice in India.” It was also
during this period that under the patronage of some of the Sultans of the
Deccan, historical literature in Persian flourished there. Among them special
mention may be made of Tdrikh-i-Firishta of Muhammad Qasim Firishta, Tazkirat
ul-Mulk of Mir Rafl-ud-dln Shirazi, both written during the reign of Ibrahim
‘Adil Shah II, Futuhdt-i-Adil-Shahi of Fuzuni Astarabadi written during the
reign of Muhammad ‘Adil Shah and TarVkh-i
Muhammad Qutb Shah completed in the reign of Muhammad Qutb
Shah.
II. THE NIZAM.-SHAHI KINGDOM OF AHMADNAGAR
In
A.D. 1490, Malik Ahmad, the governor of Junnar, assumed independence within his
jurisdiction and henceforth he had only slender tie of allegiance to the
central government.
Malik
Ahmad “was the son of Nizam-ul-Mulk Bahrl, originally a Brahmin of
Vijayanagara, whose real name was Timabhat, the son of Bahrlu. In his infancy,
Nizam-ul-Mulk Bahrl was taken prisoner by the BahmanI Sultan Ahmad Shah,
converted to Islam, and given the name of Malik Hasan. He was brought up and
educated along with Prince Muhammad and from his father’s name he was called
Bahrlu, but the prince being unable to pronounce the word Bahrlu called him
Bahrl, whence he was known as Malik Hasan Bahrl. Subsequently he was put in
charge of the royal hawks, and the word for hawk being Bahrl, it became a part
of his title.”9 He was a man of talents and, by degrees, rose to a very high
position, wielding great authority in the State. He also obtained the grand
appellation of Nizam-ul-Mulk.10
On
the demise of his father, Malik Ahmad assumed the appel¬ lation of his father,
and from this the dynasty is known as the Nizam Shah! dynasty. He had built a
city on the bank of the river Sina, beautified it with fine buildings and
gardens, named it after him Ahmadnagar, and made it the seat of his government.
This city held a more convenient and strategically better position than
Junnar.
One
of his great achievements was the conquest of the hill fort¬ ress of Daulatabad
after prolonged efforts. The acquisition of such an important fortress greatly
enhanced his power and prestige. Be¬ sides this, he took possession of the hill
fort of Antur and several other places belonging to Khandesh and compelled the
Rajia of Bag lana to pay him tribute. In this manner he not only extended the
territory of his State but also consolidated his power. He breathed his last in
A.D. 1509.
He
never called himself ‘Shah’ and, as has been stated before, owed nominal
allegiance to the BahmanI Sultan. Firishta praises him for continence and
modesty,11 and he was an efficient generlal, good administrator and fond of
duelling; it was during his time that the system of duelling was introduced in
Ahmadnagar and thence it spread to other places in the Deccan.12
Burhan Nizam Shah I (1509-1553)
On
the demise of Ahmad, his son Burhan, a boy of seven, was installed in his
place. Mukammal Khan, who held a high position in the State, was appointed
minister and regent, and his son entitled ‘AzIz-ul-Mulk was appointed commander
of the household troops. The father and son exercised uncontrolled sway over
all affairs of the State. But the pride and insolence of ‘AzIz-ul-Mulk became
in¬ tolerable to some of the nobles and they conspired to remove both the
father and son from their high position. They wanted to accom¬ plish this by
removing Burhan and raising his younger brother RajajI in his place. But this
plot was not successful and the plot¬ ters had to leave Ahmadnagar and take
shelter in Berar where they excited ‘Ala-ud-din Tmad Shah to invade Ahmadnagar.
‘Ala-ud-dln proceeded against the Nizam-Shahl kingdom with a large army but
sustained a severe defeat and was compelled to retreat to his capital
Ellichpur, leaving everything including his horses and elephants in the hands
of his enemies.13 Being pursued he fled to Burhanpur, and, at last, a peace was
concluded between the two States with the aid of the ruler of Khandesh, but
quarrel over the possessions of Mahur and Pathri, the last of which was the
ancestral home of the Nizam Shahi rulers, brought them again into conflict.
Burhan, however, conquered both these places and succeeded in retaining
possession of them.13a
In
1524, IsmaTl, the ruler of Bijapur, met Burhan at Sholapur, and an alliance was
formed between them. His (Ismahl’s) sister, BibI Mariyam, was married to
Burhan. The underlying motive which prompted him to contract such an alliance
was to strengthen his position for retrieving the losses he had suffered at the
hands of Krishnadevaraya, the king of Vijayanagara, and punishing Amir Barid, the
arch-enemy of Bijapur.
But
unfortunately the alliance could not create the desired feel¬ ing of
cordiality. Asad Khan, the minister and envoy of IsmaTl, had promised in the
name of his master to give the fort of Sholapur as marriage dowry to Burhan14 but
his master professed ignorance of such authorization and refused to part with
it. Burhan was eager to occupy it, and made alliances with Amir Barid and Tmad
Shah.14* In the following year, the confederate army marched against Sholapur,
but they were defeated near the frontier of Bija¬ pur, and Burhan, “overcome
with the extreme heat of the day,” was carried away from the battlefield in a
dead faint. His losses were heavy. Thus Burhan was unable to occupy this border
fortress which was always a bone of contention between Bijapur and Ahmad¬
nagar.
In
1527 Ahmadnagar again came to arms with Bijapur when the latter had taken up
the cause of Berar for the recovery of Pathrl, but in the following year we
come across a rare occasion when Bijapur joined hands with Ahmadnagar against
the combined armies of Berar, Khandesh and Gujarat. Bahadur Shah of Gujarat
made the position of Burhan precarious. Both the fortresses of Ahmad¬ nagar and
Daulatabad were besieged and Burhan had to purchase peace on payment of an indemnity
and causing the khutba to be read in the name of Bahadur.14b
In
1531 war commenced between Bldar and Bijapur for the pos¬ session of Kalyani
and Qandahar. Amir Barid had promised to sur¬ render these places to Bijapur
but did not act up to his promise and Isma‘11 marched to occupy them by force.
As it was not possible to fight alone against Bijapur, Amir Barid sought the
assistance of Burhan, who at first tried to desist Isma‘11 from attacking
Bldar, but when he found that his endeavour did not produce the desired effect,
he joined Amir Barid and moved against Bijapur with twenty-five thousand
cavalry and sufficient artillery. But he sustained a severe defeat in the
engagement that followed and fled post haste to Ahmad¬ nagar.
In
the following year there was an attempt to arrive at an under¬ standing between
Burhan and Isma‘Il ‘Adil Shah by dividing the Deccan between the two. A meeting
was arranged between them and both agreed in fixing their respective zones of
aggrandizement. It was settled that Ahmadnagar might take up the conquest of
Berar, and Bijapur that of Golconda.
In
accordance with these terms Isma‘11, who now joined hands with Amir Band,
proceeded to Golconda and laid siege to the fortress of Kovelaconda,15 but, all
on a sudden, he fell seriously ill and ex¬ pired (1534). The whole plan was
upset, partly due to his sudden death and partly on account of the disputes
occurring between Bur¬ han and Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah I.
In
1537, Burhan adopted the Shiah faith and although there was a Sunni rising
against him, he quelled it within a short time. Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah I, who was a
Sunni, joined the Sunni kings of Gujarat and Khandesh and made a plan to parcel
out Ahmadnagar among them, but Burhan frustrated their plan.
1
here was no end of hostility between Bijapur and Ahmadnagar. As both these
kingdoms desired supremacy in the Deccan, none could cease taking up arms
against the other so long as the power of the adversary was not crushed or
sufficiently reduced. Under such cir¬ cumstances excuses for attacks were never
wanting. Encouraged by
M.E.—27
a
dissension between Ibrahim and his Shiah minister, Asad Khan Lari, Burhan
formed an alliance with Bidar and invaded Bijapur. Although crowned with
temporary success he had to face reverses in the long run and to conclude a
treaty with Ibrahim on condition of restoration of Sholapur which he had
captured in the course of the war (1542).
His
defeat and consequent restoration of Sholapur to Ibrahim were too much for him
to bear and he wanted to recover it as well as “the district of Panj Tappa or
the five heights on the Bijapur border.”16 It was with the purpose of enlisting
the support of Jam shld, the Qutb-Shahl ruler, that he fought on his side
against his brother Ibrahim, who, with the assistance of ‘All Barld, had been
trying to oust Jamshld. Before launching upon an offensive against Bijapur,
Burhan succeeded in the formation of a quadruple alliance with Jamshld, Darya
‘Imad Shah and Ramaraja of Vijayanagara. It was arranged to invade the ‘Adil
Shahl kingdom from different direc¬ tions (1543). The forces of Vijayanagara
proceeded from the south and laid siege to Raichur; Burhan and Darya ‘Imad Shah
besieged Sholapur, and Jamshld, taking advantage of the absence of ‘Adil Shahl
forces on the Telingana border, seized Kaknl, constructed a strong fort there and
occupied the whole territory up to the walls of Gulbarga. It was extremely
difficult for Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah to repulse the attacks of his enemies, and
with the object of creating a diversion he and his ally ‘All Barld marched to
Parenda in the Ahmadnagar kingdom, and laid siege to it. This compelled Burhan
and Darya to give up the siege of Sholapur and proceed to Parenda; Jamshld also
moved there. The two hostile parties met at Khas purl, about three miles from
Parenda, and, in the engagement which followed there, Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah and
‘All Barld were defeated and fled to Bidar. Jamshld Qutb Shah chased them as
far as the walls of Bidar and then returned to his country. Finding him de¬
tached from the confederacy, ‘All Barld took courage and invaded Golconda. The
former received information of this when the enemy was only eight miles from
the capital. Leaving a garrison for the defence of Golconda he created a
diversion by an invasion of Bidar. As soon as ‘All Barld heard this he left
Golconda and retreated to¬ wards his capital. He met Jamshld on the way where
after an indecisive battle, both of them agreed to retire to their respective
dominions.17
After
some time Jamshld Qutb Shah moved for an offensive against Bidar, and on
hearing of it, ‘All Barld marched to oppose him. A battle was fought at
Narayankhera without any decisive result, but the campaign ultimately
terminated in favour of Jamshid who occu¬ pied the districts of Kaulas and
Narayankhera.
Getting
an assurance of aid from Burhan, Jamshid Qutb Shah again marched against Bidar.
He occupied the hill fort of Medak, whereas Burhan and his ally Darya took
possession of Ausa and Udgir. ‘All Band received assistance from Bijapur, but
in spite of this reinforcement he was defeated by Jamshid Qutb Shah who, after
the victory, retired to Golconda. On the advice of Asad Khan Lari, Ibrahim
‘Adil Shah decided to come to terms with Burhan and Ramaraja by offering some
concessions to them. He ceded the district of Panj Tappla to Ahmadnagar and
sent presents to Rama¬ raja. Thus Golconda was isolated.
A
secret understanding was also arrived at between Burhan and Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah
allowing the former free hand in his policy of aggrandizement in Bidar, and the
latter was allowed a similar advantage in Vijayanagara.18
After
these, Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah sent Asad Khan against Jam¬ shid whom this general
attacked with all his might. Jamshid was compelled to give up the siege of
Yadglr in which he had been en¬ gaged and also leave the fort of Kaknl which
was destroyed. He was closely pursued to the gates of Golconda where in the
battle which ensued Jamshid was defeated. As Asad Khan found it be¬ yond his
power to occupy this impregnable fort, he retreated and came back to
Bijapur.
Burhan
attacked the fort of Qandahar belonging to Bidar, and captured it. ‘All Barld,
who was unaware of the secret arrange¬ ment between Ahmadnagar and Bijapur,
hastened to Ibrahim for assistance, but the latter, finding this a suitable
opportunity for the annexation of Bidar, confined him in prison.19 After this,
he moved to the south and conquered several places of the Vijayanagara king¬
dom. But his enhancement of power and territory was viewed with alarm by Burhan
who attacked Sholapur. Both these Sultans now requested Jamshid for assistance.
The latter left Golconda, and without joining any party, took up his position
between the two con¬ tending parties. He also received messages from ‘All Barld
request¬ ing him for deliverance from his present miserable condition. The
position of Jamshid was then really enviable; all the three Sultans were
waiting in suspense for his favour and he exhibited his tact by sticking to his
policy of neutrality to the last and, at the same time securing the release of
‘All Barld from Ibrahim and re-instating him on the throne of Bidar (A.D.
1548).20 He thus kept Bidar as a buffer State between him and the powerful
kingdoms on the west.
The
relation between Ahmadnagar and Bijapur remained as strained as before; Burhan
resolved to invade Bijapur once more and with this end in view contracted an
alliance with Vijayanagara. It was arranged to besiege Kalyani which belonged
to ‘All Barld, now ally of Ibrahim. Burhan invested it and Ibrahim proceeded
there to render assistance to his ally, but he was defeated with consider¬ able
loss of men and money. At this, the garrison lost courage and
surrendered.
But
Ibrahim was not dismayed by this discomfiture and he marched to Parenda which
he occupied easily. Leaving this fort¬ ress in charge of an officer he laid
waste the neighbouring districts and went back to Bijapur. Burhan recovered it
without any diffi¬ culty, as the officer in charge of it, out of fear, had fled
away even when he (Burhan) was many miles away from it. On his arrival at
Bijapur the timid officer was put to death.
On
hearing of the preparations of Ibrahim for the recovery of KalyanI, Burhan
again joined hands with Vijayanagara. It was agreed that the border fortresses,
Mudgal and Raichur, situated be¬ tween the Krishna and the Tungabhadra, should
be conquered by Vijayanagara and that Ramaraja should assist Burhan in
recovering Sholapur. The allied army occupied Mudgal and Raichur and also
captured Sholapur within three months.
In
1553 Burhan and Ramaraja again invaded Bijapur and pro¬ ceeded as far as the
fort of Bijapur which was invested, but the Nizam Shah fell seriously ill and
he was compelled to return to Ahmadnagar where he expired.
Husain Nizam Shah I (1553-1565)
Burhan
left six sons, of whom Husain succeeded to the throne of his father, and of his
five brothers, ‘Abdul Qadir fled to Beriar, Khudabanda to Bengal and the three
others, Haidar, ‘All and Mlran Muhammad Baqir to Bijapur.
During
this reign, the old quarrels between Ahmadnagar and Bijapur continued. Ibrahim
‘Adil Shah’s position was, for the time being, strengthened by the arrival of
two influential Nizam Shahl nobles, Khvaja Jahan Deccani and Saif-‘Ain-ul-Mulk,
in Bijapur. According to their advice Ibrahim took up the cause of ‘All and it
was agreed that if the latter would succeed in winning the throne of
Ahmadnagar, the forts of Sholapur and Kalyani would be given to Bijapur. ‘All,
with a contingent of two thousand cavalry, march¬ ed towards Ahmadnagar with a
view to enlisting the support of the Nizam Shahl nobles and then to attack Husain,
but he met with little success. Ibrahim had besieged the fort of Sholapur and
Husain, making an alliance with Darya Tmad Shah, marched with him to raise the
siege. Both the parties met in the vicinity of this fort and drew up their
forces in battle array. A sanguinary battle was fought, but Ibrahim, suspecting
the treachery of Saif-Ain-ul Mulk, fled from the battlefield and retreated to
Bijapur. Husain also then retired to his own dominion. Although ‘Ain-ul-Mulk
tried to prove his guiltless conduct and sincere loyalty to Adil Shah, it was
of no avail. Thus, goaded to desperation, he became a rebel (1555) and
Ibrahim’s force had to sustain several defeats in his hands till at length he
was driven out of Bijapur only with the assistance of Vijayanagara. He
re-entered the kingdom of Ah madnagar with permission of Husain but the latter
treacherously put him to death.21
War
however did not cease long in the Deccan and Husain made an alliance with
Ibrahim Qutb Shah with the primary object of con¬ quering Gulbarga, situated in
the territory of Bijapur. Both the Sultans then invested it (1557). Finding it
impossible to resist their attacks, Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah I sought the assistance
of Rama¬ raja who immediately marched with his army towards Gulbarga. At the request
of Ramaraja, the Qutb Shah agreed to mediate for a settlement between
Ahmadnagar and Bijapur. Moreover, with a view to arriving at a peaceful
solution among the parties Ramaraja met the contending parties “at the junction
of the Bhima and the Krishna” and “a peace was now effected to the mutual
satisfaction of all parties.”22
Shortly
after this conference, Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah died, and his son, ‘All Adil Shah I,
ascended the throne of Bijapur (1557). He tried by all possible means to retain
the alliance with Ramaraja and even went to Vijayanagara to offer his
condolence on the death of a son of the latter 23
Taking
advantage of the accession of a new monarch on the throne of Bijapur, Husain
Nizam Shah, in concert with Ibrahim Qutb Shah, invaded the Adil Shahl kingdom
and All Adil Shah sought the assistance of Ramaraja who marched with an army
towards Ah¬ madnagar. Both All and Ramaraja requested Ibrahim Qutb Shah to join
them, as he was indeed obliged to do under the terms of the compact arrived at
by the four parties, and Ibrahim joined them re¬ luctantly. On the approach of
the enemies in his territory, Husain Nizam Shah retreated to his kingdom, and
unable to resist them, retired to Paithan, on the Godavari, leaving a garrison
in the fort¬ ress of Ahmadnagar for its defence. He solicited the aid of
Berar,
Khandesh
and Bldar but no relief came from these quarters. Khan Jahan, brother of ‘All
Barld, who had gone over from Bldar to Berar, dissuaded Darya ‘Xmad Shah from
rendering assistance to Ahmad nagar and eventually joined ‘All ‘Adil
Shah.
The
confederate army penetrated as far as the fortress of Ah madnagar and after
carrying on depredations in the places en route, laid siege to it. The garrison
baffled all attempts of the besiegers to capture it and expected that the enemy
would be compelled to raise the siege and retire with the advent of the
monsoon. At the same time, Ibrahim Qutb Shah who had full sympathy for Husain,
felt perturbed at the enhanced strength of Bijapur and maintained secret communications
with Husain and the besieged, whom he assisted in all possible manner. When
these things leaked out, ‘All and Ramaraja became highly incensed and demanded
explanation from Ibrahim who decamped at night and proceeded towards Golconda
23a
In
the meantime, Darya ‘Imad Shah had sent a large army under Jahangir Khan for
the assistance of Husain. He cut off the supplies of the besiegers and reduced
them to a sad plight. All these com¬ pelled the besiegers to raise the siege of
Ahmadnagar and move to Ashti whence one party was despatched against Parenda24
and ano¬ ther to Ausa.25
The
kingdom of Ahmadnagar had suffered a lot and there was still no end of
suffering. In order to save his country from further devastation, Husain felt
the imperative necessity of immediate peace with his enemies. He therefore sent
envoys to Ramaraja for peace and at last it was concluded on three conditions
laid down by Ramaraja. These were: (1) Husain should cede Kalyani to Bijapur,
(2) he should put to death Jahangir Khan whose activities placed the besiegers
in a miserable condition, and (3) he should also make personal sub¬ mission to
Ramaraja.26 All these conditions were ultimately fulfilled by Husain.
Meanwhile
Husain had troubles with the Portuguese also. They had sought his permission to
construct a fort at Revdanda, near Chaul. But instead of giving them permission
he constructed a fort¬ ress on the site selected by them, and had also detained
their ambas¬ sador. At these, the Portuguese governor of Goa invested the fort
and brought further reinforcement when Husain had to sue for peace. A treaty
was concluded on condition that neither Husain nor the Portuguese should build
any fort either at Revdanda or at Chaul.
Although
peace was concluded with Bijapur and Vijayanagara, Husain could not forget the
losses he had sustained and the humilia
lions
he had undergone. Naturally he was on the look out for re¬ venge, and with this
end in view, he met Ibrahim Qutb Shah in the vicinity of Kalyani. He gave his
daughter Jamal Bibi in mar¬ riage to Qutb Shah and thus strengthened his
position (1563). As soon as the ceremonies of the nuptials were over they
besieged Kalyani.
Under
these circumstances Ramaraja again came to the assist¬ ance of ‘All ‘Adil Shah
and the Sultans of Bldar and Berar, too, joined hands with them. Finding the
Sultan of Golconda absent from his kingdom, Ramaraja despatched an army under
Venkatadri to invade the southern districts of Golconda. On the approach of
this confederate army Husain gave up the siege of Kalyani, and, sending his
family to the fort of Ausa, he, along with Ibrahim, pro¬ ceeded against the
enemies; but untimely rain and storm created great havoc in their camps. Their
tents were blown down, and the guns, stuck in the quagmire, became mostly
useless, as out of seven hundred only forty could be removed for use. On the
following morn¬ ing the enemies attacked the camp of Ibrahim, who took to
flight and reached Golconda with difficulty. Husain also was compelled to re¬
treat to Ahmadnagar but, considering it unwise to stay there, he left a
garrison in it for its defence and retreated to the fort of Jun nar. The
enemies laid siege to the fortress of Ahmadnagar and carried on depredations in
the neighbouring areas. On the advice of ‘All ‘Adil Shah, they raised the siege
and proceeded towards Jun nar in pursuit of Husain, who, on their approach
retreated into the neighbouring hills, leaving instruction to his men to cut
off the supplies of the enemies and to harass them in every possible man¬ ner. His
troops did these so effectively that the movement of the confederate army was
checked, and, on the approach of the mon¬ soon they gave up the pursuit in the
inaccessible hills and again in¬ vested the fort of Ahmadnagar. The army of
Vijayanagara had en¬ camped on the bank of the river Sina, but heavy rains
causing sud¬ den spate in the river during the night carried away many men. In
consequence of this disaster the siege was abandoned and the confederate army
marched to Golconda. All attempts of Ibrahim to repel the attacks of Ramaraja
proved abortive; many places were ravaged and one fort after another occupied.
Thus fell Pangal, Kovelaconda, and Ganpura, etc., and the Qutb Shah, at last,
had to purchase peace by the cession of Pangal and Ganpura.27
Ramaraja
had fully realized the weakness of the Muslim States of the Deccan due to their
mutual hatred, jealousy and disunion, and took advantage of it. The quarrels
between Bijapur and Ahmad¬ nagar and his repeated armed assistance in deciding
their struggles
enhanced
his power to a great extent which adversely affected the safety of these
kingdoms. The position of Vijayanagara was now unique in the Deccan. It had
humbled the powers of both Ahmad nagar and Golconda, and the condition of
Bijapur was also far from satisfactory, for ‘All ‘Adil Shah had also been
compelled to cede some of his territories, viz., Yadgir and Bagalkot to
Vijayanagara. The Muslim kings took alarm at the increase of power of the Hindu
kingdom which had been invited more than once to intervene in the affairs of
the Deccan. Moreover, the existence of such a wealthy and powerful neighbour
was in itself a source of perennial danger to them. According to Firishta, the
excesses committed by the army of Vijayanagara in the territory of Ahmadnagar
were also responsible for a feeling of revenge against that kingdom.28
When
the Muslim States of the Deccan became fully aware of the mischief which some
of them had committed by inviting Rama raja to intervene in their affairs, a
serious attempt was made by them to unite against their common adversary and
strike, if pos¬ sible, a serious blow at him. But how could it be done? Neither
‘All ‘Adil Shah nor Husain Nizam Shah was willing to approach each other
direct. Firishta says that ‘All took the initiative in forming an alliance of
the Sultans of the Deccan and he sent an envoy to Ibrahim Qutb Shah with a view
to bringing about an agreement between him and Husain.29 It was Ibrahim who
under¬ took to accomplish it and there is no denying the fact that he play¬ ed
a very important role in the formation of an alliance between Bijapur and
Ahmadnagar, the two arch-enemies. Husain Nizam Shah’s daughter, Chand Bibi, was
married to ‘All ‘Adil Shah, and Sholapur, which had been one of the important
causes of their quar¬ rel, was given as her marriage dowry; Murtaza, the heir
of Husain, was married to Hadiya Sultana, the sister of ‘All.
Bidar,
too, joined this confederacy, but Berar stood aloof on account of the
treacherous murder of Jahangir Khan by Husain.
Before
formal declaration of war, ‘All ‘Adil Shah demanded restitution of Yadgir,
Bagalkot, Raichur and Mudgal from Vijaya¬ nagara, and when Ramaraja refused,
the Deccani powers made it a plea for declaration of war.30 The allied army
marched towards the south and reached the small town of Talikota in Bijapur
territory, about twenty-two miles to the north of the Krishna, on 26 December,
1564. They assembled there and it is from the name of the place of assemblage
that the battle is popularly known as the “battle of Talikota”, although the
actual fighting took place about twelve miles south of the Krishna, and hence
at a considerable distance from this town. The battle is also known as that of
Rakshasi Tangadi, as these two villages of Rakshasi and Tangadi lie at a com¬
paratively less distance from the actual site of the battle, but they were also
situated on the northern bank of the Krishna. The actual site of the battle was
probably Bannihatti, on the confluence of the Maski river and its southern
tributary.31
When
Ramaraja received information of the movement of his enemies, he also made
necessary arrangements to face them, and he had sufficient confidence in his
strength. Though it is difficult from the figures furnished by different
historians to form an accurate idea of the number of troops the contending
parties had assembled, there is no doubt that they mustered an unusually large
number, the like of which had never been assembled in any battle in the Deccan.
The forces were arranged in the same time-honoured fashion of right, left,
centre, vanguard and rear. The Deccani forces were commanded by ‘All ‘Adil Shah
on the right, Husain Nizam Shah in the centre, and Ibrahim Qutb Shah and ‘All
Band on the left. Husain’s powerful artillery under Chelepi Rurni Khan, an
officer of great distinction, was placed in the centre. On the Vijayanagara
side, the centre facing Husain Nizam Shah was in charge of Ramaraja himself; in
spite of his old age he commanded his troops from a litter. The right wing was
commanded by Rama raja’s brother, Venkatadri, who was to oppose Ibrahim and
‘All Barld, and the left was entrusted to Tirumala, another brother of
Ramaraja, to oppose ‘All.
The
battle took place on Tuesday, 23 January, 1565. The Vijayanagara army commenced
attack in right earnest and the right and left wings of the confederate army
were thrown into such dis¬ order that their commanders were almost prepared to
retreat when the position was saved by Husain who opposed the enemy with great
valour. The fighting was then continued and the loss of lives on both sides was
heavy. But it did not last long and its fate was de¬ termined by the desertion
of two Muhammadan commanders under Ramaraja. Caesar Frederick, who visited
Vijayanagara in 1567, said that each of these commanders had under him seventy
to eighty thousand men and the defeat of Vijayanagara was due to their de¬
sertion.32 Ramaraja fell into enemy’s hands and was beheaded on the order of
Husain. His army fled pell-mell in various directions and the victors pursued
the defeated as far as Anagondi, in the vicinity of Vijayanagara, the capital city.
The loss of the latter was appallingly heavy and it was estimated that about
one hundred thousand men perished in battle and in pursuit. “The plunder was so
great, that every private man in the allied army became rich in gold, jewels,
tents, arms, horses and slaves, the kings permitting every person to retain
what he acquired reserving the elephants only for their use.”33
Then
followed the sack and destruction of the magnificent city of Vijayanagara.
Before the arrival of the victorious army there, came the robbers and jungle
folk of the neighbourhood who looted whatever they could get. “The third day
saw the beginning of the end. .. .for a space of five months Vijayanagara knew
no rest. The enemy (i.e. the victorious army) had come to destroy, and they
carried out their object relentlessly. . . . Never perhaps in the history of
the world has such havoc been wrought, and wrought so suddenly, on so splendid
a city; teeming with a wealthy and indus¬ trious population in the full
plenitude of prosperity one day, and on the next, seized, pillaged and reduced
to ruins, amid scenes of savage massacre and horrors beggaring
description.”34
The
so-called battle of Talikota or Rakshasi-Tangadi is one of the most decisive
battles recorded in the whole history of India. It shattered the military
strength of Vijayanagara and inflicted on it such irreparable damage that it
was no more possible for it to re¬ gain the glorious days of the past.
The
Muslims undoubtedly won a great victory over their rival and rejoiced at their
grand success; Mudgal and Raichur were then easily recovered and added to
Bijapur. The territories of Gol conda which had been wrested by Ramaraja were
also recovered.
But
the union of the Sultans for concerted action was tempo¬ rary, and as soon as
the dread of the great Hindu kingdom was gone, they again commenced their
dynastic quarrels, and their mutual hatred and jealousy hampered their onward
march.
Shortly
after his return to Ahmadnagar, Husain died (1565), as a result of leading an
intemperate life, and his minor son Mur¬ taza Nizam Shah I then ascended the
throne.
Murtaza Nizam Shah I (1565-1588)
During
the minority of Murtaza, his mother, Khanzada or Khunza Humayun Sultana, became
regent and managed the affairs of the State for several years, at the end of
which Murtaza took the reins of government in his own hands.
During
the king’s minority, ‘All ‘Adil Shah I had led a cam¬ paign against
Vijayanagara which sought the aid of Ahmadnagar. In order to create a diversion
with an intent to put a stop to ‘All’s policy of aggrandizement in the
south, the Queen-mother invaded Bijapur, upon which its Sultan was forced to
recall his forces from Vijayanagara. But no great engagement took place between
them and there were only several skirmishes, after which the Queen mother
retired to Ahmadnagar.
‘All
‘Adil Shah could not forget this unprovoked attack by Ahmadnagar, and
mismanagement in its administration by the Queen-mother afforded him an
opportunity to invade it. His forces succeeded in wresting some territories
from Ahmadnagar and his general Kishvar Khan constructed a fortress in the
newly conquer¬ ed area and named it Dharur. It was at this stage when things
were being mismanaged by the Queen-mother and her favourite brothers,
‘Ain-ul-Mulk and Taj Khan, that Murtaza seized the reins of government in his
own hands.
Next
he proceeded towards Dharur with all haste and, on reach¬ ing the precincts of
the fort, laid siege to it. A lucky incident hastened its fall. Kishvar Khan,
who was in charge of its defence, was killed by an arrow while conducting the
defence and this was followed by the flight of the garrison and evacuation of
the fort. The lost grounds were thus recovered by Murtaza who then invad¬ ed
the territory of Bijapur in conjunction with Ibrahim Qutb Shah, but this was
ultimately foiled by intrigues which led to a breach between Murtaza and
Ibrahim.
In
1569-70 Murtaza in alliance with ‘All ‘Adil Shah and the Zamorin unsuccessfully
invaded the Portuguese possession of Chaul.34a
The
most important achievement of Murtaza was the annexa¬ tion of Berar in A.D.
1574. This considerably enhanced the terri¬ tory, power and prestige of the
Nizam Shah! kingdom, and although a pretender with the aid of Miran Muhammad
Shah, the ruler of Khandesh, tried to revive the kingdom, it proved abortive.
Not only the pretender and the forces of Khandesh were driven back, but the
kingdom of Khandesh, even to the very gates of Burhanpur, the capital city, was
ravaged and Miran Muhammad had to take refuge in the fortress of Asirgarh and
eventually purchase peace on payment of a large sum of money to the Nizam
Shah.
During
this reign, Ahmadnagar reached its greatest territorial extent. On the west, it
was bounded by the Arabian sea, from Bassein to Bankot, on the north it touched
the southern frontier of Khandesh and “on the north-east it included Berar,
which was bounded on the north by the river Tapti and the eastern
and southern boundaries of which were enclosed by the Wain Ganga,
Warda, and Pain Ganga rivers; the line, subsequently coming through the
Godavari and the boundary of Bidar, moved first in the south-western direction,
and passing Ausa and Sholapur, it took a north-western course, serving as the
northern boundary of Bijapur till it reached Bankot.”35
On
the death of ‘All in 1580, his nephew Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah II ascended the throne
of Bijapur and taking advantage of the mino¬ rity of the Sultan, Murtaza
invaded Bijapur but was defeated. Within a few years of the accession of
Ibrahim the marriage of his sister Khadlja was celebrated with Murtaza s son,
Miran Husain, but the marriage alliance failed to establish peace between Ahmad
nagar and Bijapur.
 |
Of
all the actions of Murtaza his cruel and inhuman treatment of his faithful
minister Chingiz Khan, whom he put to death by administering poison on the
false accusation that he had been try¬ ing to make himself independent in
Berar, deserves the strongest condemnation. The insinuation came from the
king’s favourite, Sahib Khan, in order to feed fat his grudge on the minister,
and it was too late when the Sultan discovered the truth.36 This reminds one of
the treacherous plot against Mahmud Gavan, the famous minister of the Bahmani
kingdom.
The
last years of Murtaza’s life were embittered by his loss of mental equilibrium
which specially manifested itself in the unjusti¬ fied suspicion of his son
Miran Husain whom he suspected of de¬ throning him. To get rid of the Prince he
set fire to his bed clothes, locking the door of the room from outside, while
he (the Prince)
was
asleep. The latter was startled by the smoke in the room, and was rescued, and
ultimately carried in secret to the fortress of Daulatabad with the help of his
well-wishers. He soon took venge¬ ance on his father and caused his death by
suffocating him in a close heated bath (1588).37
Firishta,
the historian, had become a close confidant of Murtaza Nizam Shah during his
last days, and escaped untimely death at the hands of Husain Nizam Shah, being
the latter’s class mate.
Husain Nizam Shah II (1588-1589)
On
the death of his father, Miran Husain ascended the throne with the title of
Husain Nizam Shah II. He was a cruel and worth¬ less Sultan who wasted his time
in wine and pleasures. His cruel¬ ties and excesses were so intolerable that he
was dethroned, im prisoned, and, at last, put to death. His reign lasted a
little more than ten months.
lsmd6il Nizam Shah II (1589-1591)
Isma‘11,
a cousin of Husain II, who was now raised to the throne, was the younger son of
Burhan-ud-dln, brother of Murtaza Nizam Shah I. During the reign of the latter,
Burhan had made a fruit¬ less attempt to seize the throne, but having been
defeated, took shelter in Bijapur. He made another effort but, this time, too,
met with a similar fate, and he then went to the Mughul Emperor Akbar whose
service he entered. But his two sons, Ibrahim and Isma‘Il, were left behind in
the fortress of Lohargarh where he had once been confined.
During
the reign of Isma‘11 the real power was in the hands of Jamal Khan, the leader
of the Deccani party. He belonged to the Mahdavi sect and persecuted all those
who did not belong to it. During the tumult following the murder of Husain he
had ruthlessly put to death many foreigners and now he seized the properties of
those who had escaped massacre, compelling them (including the historian
Firishta) to leave Ahmadnagar. But these persecutions had their natural
reactions and dark clouds enveloped the political horizon of Ahmadnagar. The
discontented nobles headed a revolt to drive away Jamal, and at the same time,
Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah II, who bore hatred and anger against this leader for his
religious per¬ secutions and who was anxious to bring back his widowed sister
Khadlja to Bijapur, sent Dilavar Khan with a large force to invade Ahmadnagar. With
great intrepidity Jamal met the two enemies successively. At first he defeated
his internal enemies and forced them to fly to Burhanpur. Then he proceeded
against Dilavar Khan and met him at Ashti. The two armies remained face to face
for fifteen days without any action and, at length, on the request of Jamal
Khan, peace was concluded between them on two conditions, viz. (1) Khadlja
should be sent back to Bijapur, and (2) Ahmad¬ nagar should pay a war indemnity
(1589).37a
Isma‘il’s
father, Burhan, who had been eager to gain the throne occupied by his son, took
permission of Akbar to proceed to the Deccan. The Mughul Emperor proposed to
render military assist¬ ance to him, but Burhan politely and tactfully refused
to accept it, as that would have made him an object of hatred in the eyes of
his country-men and would have brought him under obligation to the Mughuls. He
went to the Deccan, and with the assistance of some of the Nizam Shahl nobles,
made an attack on Berar but was defeated. He was forced to take shelter in
Khandesh where he suc¬ ceeded in securing the aid of its ruler Raja All Khan.
Ibrahim 4Adil Shah II also promised him assistance. Ahmadnagar was then invaded
from two sides—on the north, by Burhan and Raja ‘All Khan, and on the south, by
the army of Bijapur under Dilavar Khan. Jamal Khan first proceeded to the south
against Dilavar Khan whom he defeated at Dharaseo. Next he proceeded tov/ards
the north and met Raja ‘All Khan and Burhan at Rohankhed but he was slain in
the battle. His death was followed by a flight of his army along with IsmaTl
who was captured and then confined by his father (1591).
Burhan Nizam Shah 11 (1591-1595)
Burhan
was an aged man when he ascended the throne. He annulled the orders of Jamal
Khan regarding the Mahdavi sect and passed order for the death of its followers
with the result that they left the kingdom. The Shiah religion was
re-established and the foreigners, who had been expelled by Jamal Khan, were
recalled.38
This
reign witnessed the renewal of the old conflict between Ahmadnagar and Bijapur.
The defeat of Dilavar Khan, the Bija¬ pur general, at Dharaseo, was a signal
for his downfall. He had to leave Bijapur and go to Ahmadnagar where he was
cordially re¬ ceived by Burhan and appointed in his service. Ibrahim requested
Burhan to send Dilavar back to Bijapur along with the three hun¬ dred elephants
which had fallen into the hands of Jamal Khan at the battle of Dharaseo. At the
instigation of Dilavar, Burhan not only refused compliance but invaded Bijapur
(1592). Finding no opposition he continued to advance in the territories of
Bijapur and strengthened his position by repairing the fortress of Mangalvedha,
on the bank of the Bhima. Instead of encountering the enemy in an open field,
Ibrahim despatched a strong detachment of Maratha cavalry to cut off the
supplies of the enemies and harass them in every possible manner. They made the
position of Burhan so in¬ tolerable that he was obliged to march back to his
own country to replenish his provisions. This being done, he proceeded towards
Sholapur, but the forces of Bijapur inflicted a severe defeat on him. This so
adversely affected his position that he was compelled to con¬ clude peace with
Bijapur and demolish the fortress of Mangal¬ vedha, repaired by him.
In
the same year (1592) Burhan made an attack on the Portu¬ guese fortress of
Chaul. Although he had some advantages at the initial stage, he suffered
heavily when reinforcements arrived for the assistance of the garrison.
With the increased strength, the Portuguese not only defended Chaul but, taking
the offensive, re¬ duced the fort which Burhan had constructed in the
neighbourhood, killing more than twelve thousand Nizam Shahl soldiers. Farhad
Khan, the commander of Ahmadnagar, was taken prisoner.
After
this discomfiture, Burhan made preparations to attack the Portuguese once more,
but this did not ultimately materialize, as he marched to the aid of Isma‘Il
who had rebelled against his brother Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah II. But on reaching
Parenda, he learnt that Isma‘Il had already been captured and put to death by
his brother, and retired to Ahmadnagar, where he fell seriously ill. Ibrahim
II, who was highly annoyed with Burhan for supporting Isma‘11, despatched an
army against him and defeated and killed his commander Bzbak Khan. This news
gave Burhan a rude shock in his weak health which further deteriorated,
confining him to bed.
Burhan
nominated his elder son Ibrahim as his successor, but Ikhlas Khan, ajn
influential Nizam Shahl noble, taking up the cause of Ismahl, the younger son,
proceeded against the Sultan who, in¬ spite of his illness, personally took the
field and defeated the rebels. The prince then fled to Parenda. But the
exertion of the campaign was too much for the Sultan who expired on the day
following his return to the capital (1595).39
Ibrahim Nizam Shah (1595)
Ibrahim
then ascended the throne under the title of Ibrahim Nizam Shah, but his reign
lasted a few months only. Miyian Manjhu became prime minister, and the Sultan
as well as the minister granted pardon to Ikhlas Khan for his past conduct. But
the latter, for¬ getting the gratitude he owed to the minister, arrayed a
strong op¬ position against him, although he as well as Miyan Manjhu belong¬ ed
to the same Deccani party. The motive behind such action of Ikhlas Khan was
only self-aggrandizement at the expense of the prime minister. When the affairs
in the realm were thus heading towards a crisis, the envoy of Bijapur was
insulted, and Ikhlas Khan prevailed on the young Sultan, who was given to
dissipation, to declare war against Bijapur. Miyan Manjhu’s efforts to avoid it
was of no avail, and, to make matters worse, Ibrahim was slain in the
sanguinary battle which ensued between these two kingdoms.
Chaos and Confusion
Ibrahim
Nizam Shah’s death was followed by the flight of his army, and the victors
returned to Bijapur laden with rich booty. This was a signal for serious
confusion and disorder in the Ahrnad nagar kingdom which continued unabated for
most of the time till its annexation by the Mughuls. During this period, the
leading nobles looked to their own interests alone instead of devising any
common programme for the welfare of the realm. Parties of diffe¬ rent interests
had existed even during its infancy, and their selfish greed sapped its
vitality, but with the incapacity and weakness of the Sultans they became more
powerful and brought about its final annihilation. Within a short time
following the death of Ibrahim, four parties organized by different Nizam Shahi
nobles arose to contest the throne. Chand Sultan, the aunt of the late Sultan
and widow of ‘All ‘Adil Shah I, championed the cause of Ibrahim’s in¬ fant son,
Bahadur, whom she proclaimed as the rightful Sultan; she became regent and
appealed to the subjects for peace and amity, but in vain. The leader of the
second party was Ikhlas Khan who declared a child called Moti, procured by him,
as the legal sovereign. The third party was organized by Abhang Khan,39a an
Abyssinian noble, who was the supporter of Shah ‘AH, the son of Burhan Nizam
Shah I; and the fourth party was led by Miyan Manjhu, who de¬ clared his
nominee, Ahmad, as the real successor to the Nizam Shahi throne, and
proclaiming him Sultan, captured and imprison¬ ed Bahadur. But it was soon
found out that Ahmad was an im¬ postor, and due to keen opposition of Ikhlas
Khan the position of Miyan Manjhu became extremely critical. The latter took
shelter within the walls of Ahmadnagar and applied to Prince Murad, the son of
Akbar, then governor of Gujarat, for assistance. Akbar had already decided to
attack Ahmadnagar and given instruction to Murad to that effect. The invitation
of Miyan Manjhu afforded a suitable opportunity to carry out his design and the
Prince, accom¬ panied by Raja ‘All Khan, the ruler of Khandesh, and Khan Khanan
Abdur Rahim moved towards Ahmadnagar (1595).
In
the meantime Miyan Manjhu had defeated his rival Ikhlas Khan and repented of
having called in Mughul assistance. He joined Chand Sultan in her endeavour to
save the kingdom from Mughul aggression and implored the assistance of Bijapur
and Gol conda. As regent, Chand Sultan undertook to manage all affairs of the
kingdom and offered a stiff resistance to Murad who had be¬ sieged the fort of
Ahmadnagar. At this juncture she appealed to Abhang, Khan, Muhammad Qull Qutb
Shah aind Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah II for help. All of them responded to her request
and ‘Adil Shah des¬ patched twenty-five thousand cavalry under the command of
Suhail Khan, an eunuch, and the Qutb Shah five to six thousand cavalry.40
Ikhlas
Khan and Miyan Manjhu along with the army of Bijapur and Golconda advanced to
the assistance of Chand Sultan.
Prince
Murad became anxious when he heard of these heavy re¬ inforcements coming to
the relief of Ahmadnagar. The progress of the siege was undoubtedly slow owing
to the jealousy and diffe¬ rences of opinion between him and the Khan Khanan,
and without wasting any more time he laid mines. Although a breach was made in
the wall of the fort, it was not possible for the besiegers to enter into it
due to the gallant resistance of the besieged led by the valiant Chand Sultan.
During the night the breach was re¬ paired under her superintendence, and thus
the capture of the fort remained as difficult as before. Adding to their
hardships, the Mughuls were experiencing shortage of provisions. On the other
hand, Chand Sultan, too, was badly experiencing want of provisions and was in
grave anxiety about the defence of the fort. Both sides were thus on the look
out for an opportunity to terminate the war, and, at last, a treaty was
concluded between them on conditions of recognition of the suzerainty of the
Mughuls and cession of Berar by Ahmadnagar (March, 1596).41
On
the return of the Mughuls, Bahadur was proclaimed Sultan and Muhammad Khan
appointed prime minister. Miyan Manjhu expected that Ahmad would have
preference to other rivals, but when this was not possible in a peaceful
manner, he wanted to accomplish it by a trial of strength. Chand Sultan again
appealed for aid to Ibrahim II who asked Miyan Manjhu to repair to Bijapur with
Ahmad, and on their arrival there, both of them were taken into the service of
Bijapur.
The
difficulties of Chand Sultan did not end with their exit from Ahmadnagar, and
more troubles were in store for her. The high-handedness of Muhammad Khan was
too much for her and the nobles to bear. Once more she appealed to Ibrahim II
to help her to tide over the difficulties. The latter again despatched an army
under Suhail Khan to Ahmadnagar with instruction to render all possible
assistance to her. Muhammad Khan opposed Suhail Khan who besieged him in the
fort of Ahmadnagar for four months. Thus placed in a critical position,
Muhammad appealed for aid to the Mughuls, but the garrison, highly dissatisfied
at this, seized him and made him over to Chand Sultan who appointed Abhang Khan
in his place. Thus she got rid of her internal foe but there was re¬
crudescence of trouble with the Mughuls.
Her
relations with them were far from cordial. They had occu¬ pied some territories
of Ahmadnagar including Pathrl not ceded to them by the last treaty, whereas
Gawilgarh and Narnala, the two fortresses of Berar, were still in possession of
the officers of Ahmad nagar. Thus, when causes for renewal of a war already existed,
the appeal of Muhammad Khan for aid to the Mughuls furnished the latter another
important ground for an offensive.
Realising
the gravity of the situation, Chand Sultan appealed to Bijapur and Golconda for
assistance, which both of them gave. A combined army of about sixty thousand
cavalry marched towards Berar, and in the vicinity of Sonpet, on the Godavari,
a severe battle took place between them and the Mughuls for two days in which
the latter came out victorious (1597).41a But, in spite of this, their progress
was much hampered due to serious differences of opinion between Prince Murad
and the Khan Khanan, and Akbar had to recall the latter, deputing Abu-1-Fazl
instead.
There
was lack of unity in the Nizam Shahl camp, too, and quarrels had been going on
between Chand Sultan and Abhang Khan. The latter besieged her in the fort of
Ahmadnagar, and taking advantage of the absence of the Khan Khanan, attacked
and besieged the Mughul officer in charge of the fortress of Bir.
Abu-’l-Fazl
could not improve the position of the Mughuls and on 12 May, 1599, Prince Murad
died of intemperance. Under these circumstances Prince Daniyal, the youngest
son of Akbar, and the Khan Khanan were sent to the Deccan, and with a view to
conduct¬ ing the campaigns more vigorously the emperor himself proceeded to the
south, making his headquarters at Burhanpur. An army was despatched to besiege
Asir, and Prince Daniyal and the Khan Khanan were directed to proceed against
Ahmadnagar.
Abhang
Khan raised the siege of Ahmadnagar and marched to oppose the Mughuls, but
“finding himself out-manoeuvred and un¬ able to withstand the Mughul’s forces”
he went back to Ahmad¬ nagar for amicable settlement of his differences with
Chand Sultan; but when this was not possible, he retired to Junnar. The Mughuls
reached Ahmadnagar without opposition and invested it.
At
this critical juncture, Chand Sultan, seeking the advice of Jita Khan, an
eunuch and officer of rank, gave out that her past experience convinced her of
the danger of placing reliance on the Nizam Shahl officers and, in her opinion,
it would be proper to cede the fort to the Mughuls on condition of safe passage
of the garrison and the young Sultan to Junnar. At this Jita Khan at once came
out shouting that she was in league with the Mughuls for surrender of the fort.
A mob headed by Jita Khan then rushed into her apartment and piit her to death
(July, 1600). Her murder sealed the fate of the kingdom, and in the following
month, the Mughuls stormed and occupied the fort.41b
Thus,
Ahmadnagar was annexed to the Mughul Empire and the young Sultan, Bahadur Nizam
Shah, sent as a State prisoner to the fortress of Gwalior where he was confined
for the rest of his life. Among the booty which the Mughuls received was a
valuable library.452
Malik ‘Ambar
But
although the capital city and its adjoining places were occupied by the Mughuls
and made a separate suba of the empire, an extensive part of the kingdom
remained in possession of the in¬ fluential Nizam Shahl nobles like Malik
‘Ambar and Raju Deccani. They acted independently of each other and owed no
allegiance to any king. It was to the credit of the former that he revived the
fallen kingdom and imparted to it a fresh lease of life.
Malik
‘Ambar was born in an obscure Abyssinian family in 1549. He was originally a
slave of Khvaja Baghdadi who had pur¬ chased him in Baghdad. He was then sold
at Ahmadnagar to Chingiz Khan, the minister of Murtaza Nizam Shah I. Chingiz
Khan had one thousand slaves and ‘Ambar was one of them. The sudden death of
his master threw ‘Ambar in a helpless condition and for more than two decades
he struggled hard, serving some¬ times as an ordinary soldier in Ahmadnagar and
sometimes in Bija pur. But these could not satisfy an ambitious man like him.
When Abhang Khan was opposing Bahadur, he joined his service and was soon
promoted to the rank of a commander of one hundred and fifty horsemen in reward
for his good services.
After
some time he started his career as an independent chief¬ tain, and disorder and
confusion then prevailing in the country afforded him a suitable opportunity
for his adventurous activities. At the time when the Mughuls were busy in the
siege of Ahmad¬ nagar, he, by his repeated sallies on the unruly men of the
borders, made their lives so miserable that they were compelled to come under
his leadership. These soon swelled the number of his fol¬ lowers to two
thousand and five hundred, and encouraged by such successes, he continued from
one daring act to another till he made a sudden sally on Bldar whose army he
defeated. This victory en¬ hanced his resources in men and money. After this,
he became bold enough to make surprise attacks on the Mughuls in Ahmad¬ nagar
and plunder them. His followers continuously increased and many Nizam Shah!
nobles joined him, adding to his strength and prestige.43 Thus he became the
most powerful factor in the Nizam Shahi politics and “brought under his
possession the Nizam Shahi country from the Telingana borders as far north as
within one kros of Bir and four of Ahmadnagar and from twenty kros west of
Daulatabad to within the same distance of the port of Chaul.”44
Having
thus made his position strong he took up the cause of the fallen Nizam Shahi
dynasty which he wanted to reinstate at all costs. He was wise enough not to
aspire after kingly position, and although there were obstacles in his way he
surmounted them with his iron will. Bahadur and other members of the family
were State prisoners at Gwalior and to bring them back was out of the question.
He was, however, successful in finding out a scion of the Nizam Shahi family in
‘All, the son of Shah ‘All, then residing in Bijapur. It has already been
stated how two fruitless attempts were made, one by Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah I and
later on, by Abhang Khan, to place Shah ‘All on the throne of Ahmadnagar. He
was now of advanced age and Malik ‘Ambar, inviting his son, placed him on the
throne with the title of Murtaza Shah Nizam-ul-Mulk (1600).
Murtaza
Nizam Shah’s coronation took place at Parenda which was fixed “as the temporary
capital of the kingdom, and Malik ‘Ambar became Prime Minister and
Vakil-us-Sultunat (Regent of the King¬ dom) and gave his daughter in marriage
to the king.”45
Murtaza
II who ruled from A.D. 1600 to 1630 was Sultan only in name and the whole
governmental machinery was run by Malik ‘Ambar. The latter had to solve various
problems of the revived kingdom including its protection from internal enemies
and Mughul aggression. In place of chaos and confusion he soon established law
and order and then diverted his attention to the self-seeking nobles, the most
formidable of whom was Raju Deccani, who had brought under his possession a
great part of the fallen Nizam Shahi kingdom and who, in order to fulfil his
selfish design, was dragging the country to a crisis. Taking advantage of this
rivalry the Mughul general, Khan Khanan, started an offensive campaign against
‘Ambar, and this was directed against his territory on the Telingana border. In
one of the battles there, viz., at Nander, he was wounded (1602), and the war
finally terminated in a treaty “marking out their respective
boundaries.”46
After
this, ‘Ambar compelled the conspirators like Farhad Khan and Manjhan Khan to leave
the kingdom and take shelter in Bijapur.
In
1607, ‘Ambar transferred the capital to Junnar on account of its strategic
importance and for efficient conduct of campaigns against Raju, as it was
situated at a comparatively less distance from Daulatabad, the headquarters of
the latter, than Parenda 47 Circumstances now favoured the Abyssinian chief to
subdue his rival. The oppression of Raju created a feeling of deep discontent
among his subjects, including the soldiery, and the latter, deserting the cause
of their master, joined ‘Ambar and complained to Murtaza Nizam Shah II about
Raju’s oppression, requesting him to deliver them from their awful situation.
Finding this a good opportunity, the Abyssinian chief marched against him with
a large army. Al¬ though Raju tried hard, he could not defend for long due to
lack of support from his followers, and the fort of Daulatabad was cap¬ tured
by the Nizam Shah! army. He became a prisoner, and his territory was
incorporated in the Ahmadnagar kingdom.48 He remained in prison for three to
four years, but when there was a conspiracy to create a rebellion in his favour
‘Ambar put him to death.49
Thus,
it was due to the untiring zeal and efforts of the Prime Minister that the
fallen kingdom was revived and its borders extend¬ ed. Party bickerings were
removed and the structure of the govern¬ ment was built on a strong foundation.
His occasional differences with the Sultan were also always made up.
‘Ambar then turned his attention towards the Mughuls who, since the accession of Jahangir, were engrossed in their affairs in the north-west due to the revolt of Prince Khusrav and the siege of Qandahar by Shah ‘Abbas, the King of Persia. Commencing his offensive against them, ‘Ambar recovered many of the lost territories of Ahmadnagar. The Khan Khanan was thus placed in a miserable condition and recalled to Agra by the Emperor (1608) who, with a view to improving the situation, gave him a reinforcement of twelve thousand cavalry.
‘Ambar’s
anxieties increased when he heard of this reinforce¬ ment, and he took steps to
form an alliance with Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah II. His requests to ‘Adil Shah “were
three-fold; first, to render him military assistance against the Mughuls, so
that he might fight them successfully.” He said, “It is my design to fight the
Mughul troops so long as life remains in this body. It may be that through your
Majesty’s daily increasing fortune I shall expel the Mughuls from the
Deccan.”50 The second request was “to hand over to him, for the safety of his
family and the collection of rations, the fort of Qandahar which the ‘Adil Shah
had wrested from the Nizam Shahl kingdom some time back, and the third request
was to bring the two states together into a close bond of union by
matrimony.”51
Ibrahim
Adil Shah II was also desirous of forming an alliance with Ahmadnagar in order
to check Mughul aggression in the south and it had been one of the principal
reasons for his assistance to ‘Ambar in placing a scion of the old Nizam Shahl
family on the throne. At the request of Ambar, ten thousand select cavalry were
despatched to Ahmadnagar, the fort of Qandahar was returned, and a matrimonial
alliance formed between the two kingdoms by the marriage of Ambar’s son Fath
Khan with the daughter of Yaqut Khan, a nobleman of Bijapur, who was in high
favour with the Sultan. Subsequently, another auxiliary force of three to four
thousand cavalry was also despatched from Bijapur to Ahmad¬ nagar.52
Ambar
had already besieged Antur and wrested it from the Mughuls. Even with his reinforcement
the Khan Khlanan could not improve the situation due to discord and disunion in
his camp. So, in 1609, Jahangir sent Prince Parvlz to the Deccan as Governor of
Berar and Khandesh, and with supreme command to lead the campaigns, and another
general named Khian Jahan Lodi was also ordered to proceed there. But in spite
of these, the Mughul posi¬ tion, instead of improving, deteriorated further.
The Khan Kha nan’s plan of surprise attack on Ambar ended in disaster. He was
continuously harassed by the light Maratha cavalry of Ahmadnagar, well-trained
in guerilla tactics, and his condition became so precari¬ ous that he had no
other alternative but to patch up a disgraceful treaty with Ambar and retire to
Burhanpur (1610).53
After
conquering the surrounding places the Nizam Shahl army had besieged the fort of
Ahmadnagar which, too, fell. These exploits enhanced the power, prestige and
extent of the Ahmadnagar king¬ dom. Its capital was then transferred from
Junnar to Daulatabad, a place of greater strategic importance.
The
heavy losses which the Mughuls had suffered were too much for them to bear and
the Khan Khanan was recalled and Khan Jahan was promoted to take up the command
in his place, but as petty wranglings among the officers continued unabated in
the Mughul camp, nothing could be done to improve matters.
At
last, a better plan was devised to invade Ahmadnagar from two sides—one by
Abdullah Khan, who was appointed Governor of Gujarat with instruction to lead
the expedition by way of Nasik and Trimbak, and the other under the joint
command of Raja Man Singh and Khan Jahan Lodi to proceed by way of Berar. Eager
to gain the full credit of the victory, ‘Abdullah Khan moved on without keeping
in touch with the other party and entered the kingdom of Ahmadnagar. Fully
alive to the situation, ‘Ambar followed his gue¬ rilla tactics as before and
his Maratha bands harassed ‘Abdullah Khan’s army in all possible ways. Although
‘Abdullah penetrated almost as far as Daulatabad, he found his position so precarious
that he was compelled to retire, pursued and continually harassed by the Nizam
Shahl forces up to the border of Baglan. With heavy losses he returned to
Gujarat, and when Rajia Man Singh and Khan Jahan heard of his retreat, they,
too, retired (1612).54
After
this victory, the capital of the Nizam Shahl kingdom was transferred to Khirki,
about ten miles off from Daulatabad. Situat¬ ed in a hilly region, it had
natural barriers for protection against invasions from outside. It had
originally been a small village but ‘Ambar peopled and beautified it with fine
buildings. “The grand¬ eur and beauty of this new capital found encomium even
in the pages of Mughal history; the Maasir-i-Rahimi says that it was not only
the best city in the Deccan but the like of it was not to be found even in
Hindusthan.”55
‘Abdullah
Khan was severely reprimanded by the Emperor for his indiscreet actions and the
Khan Khanan was again directed to proceed to the Deccan with his sons including
Shah Navaz Khan.
Taking
advantage of desertions of some of the Nizam Shahl nobles, Shah Navaz Khan
moved direct towards Khirki. In the meantime, Malik ‘Ambar had made alliances
with Bijapur, Golconda, and Bldar, all of whom responded to his call and
despatched neces¬ sary quotas of troops to his aid. ‘Ambar remained at Khirki
with forty thousand cavalry and another force was sent to harass the Mughuls
and check their advance. But the Nizam Shahls proved powerless against the
superior strength of Shah Navaz Khan who defeated them and marched towards
Khirki. ‘Ambar came out and met the Mughuls at Rosalgarh, near Khirki. Here, in
the sanguinary battle which ensued, he was defeated, sustaining heavy losses in
men and materials (1616).
The
Mughuls then entered the Nizam Shahl capital and carried on destruction in it,
but they did not pursue the defeated.56 The effect of the victory was only
temporary and could not much alter the situation. Despite the presence of
Prince Parviz in the Deccan for seven years, there was no tangible progress in
the Mughul cam¬ paigns and he was therefore transferred to Allahabad while
Prince Khurram was ordered to proceed to the Deccan. Before his depar 439 ture
he was conferred with the lofty title of “Shah” (1616)56a and the emperor
himself proceeded to Mandu for better guidance of the campaigns.
The
Prince, at first, opened diplomatic negotiations with Bija pur, Golconda and
Ahmadnagar and offered them proposals of peace on two conditions, viz.,
restitution of the conquered territories and payment of tribute. Weary of the
struggle and afraid of the exten¬ sive preparation of the Mughuls, both Bijapur
and Golconda accept¬ ed these terms and ‘Ambar, fearing the enmity of these
combined powers, found no alternative but to come to terms by the surrender of
Ahmadnagar with its contiguous places and the Pargands of Bala ghat previously
wrested from the Mughuls.57
The
Abyssinian hero took this step only to ward off a crisis and wait for an
opportunity to regain the lost territories.
An
undue parade of the Prince’s success was made when he met his father at Mandu
and among the marks of distinction, he received the lofty title of “Shah Jahan”
and the special privilege of a seat near his father in darbar (October,
1617).
‘Ambar’s
opportunities came after two years when Jahangir was in Kashmir, Shah Jahan
busy in the siege of Kangra and the Mughul officers in the Deccan engaged in
petty bickerings and rivalries. He made alliances with Bijapur and Golconda,
and with about sixty thousand cavalry marched towards Ahmadnagar, recovering
the lost places, and besieging it. An army was left to carry on the siege,
while he marched triumphantly towards Berar. He besieged Bur hanpur, crossed
the Narmada and plundered the environs of Mlandu.
Shah
Jahan was once more directed to proceed to the Deccan. ‘Ambar, who did not like
to take the risk of an open engagement with Shah Jahan, gave up the siege and
retreated. But the Prince gave the Deccanis a hot chase and pursued them to the
very gates of Khirki, and occupied the city after ‘Ambar had removed Murtaza II
with his family to Daulatabad. The Mughuls destroyed the fine structure of
Khirki and ‘Ambar, realizing the insecurity of his posi¬ tion, opened
negotiations for peace. Shah Jahan had also to contend with many difficulties.
So, he decided to accept the offer of peace. Besides promising to restore the
territories occupied from the Mughuls in the course of the last two years,
‘Ambar agreed to sur¬ render “fourteen Kros of the adjoining country” to them,
and more¬ over, the three kingdoms of Ahmadnagar, Bijapur and Golconda con*
sented to pay fifty lakhs of rupees as tribute.58
But
who could foretell then that Prince Shah Jahan would step into the Deccan as a
fugitive and suppliant for aid to the Abyssinian antagonist about two years
later to save himself from the wrath of his father? Malik ‘Ambar who was then
not on good terms with Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah II and who was anxious to gain Mughul
assistance in order to defeat his enemy, gave an evasive reply to the
Prince.
But
what are the factors which contributed in creating a rift between Ahmadnagar
and Bijapur? First, the fort of Sholapur was a frequent bone of contention
between them. Secondly, taking ad¬ vantage of disorder and confusion in the
kingdom of Ahmadnagar in 1600, Ibrahim II had annexed a portion of it; and not
to speak of giving it back, he cherished further designs of aggrandizement. The
Bijapur Sultan came to realize that the revived kingdom of Ahmad¬ nagar under
the leadership of an able general and statesman like ‘Ambar was really a menace
to the safety of Bijapur. The Bijapur nobles also viewed with extreme jealousy
the ascendancy of an Abys¬ sinian slave to such a height of power and strength
in the neighbour¬ ing kingdom and eagerly looked forward to bring about his
down¬ fall. Moreover, the Nizam-Shahi deserters like Farhad Khan and others who
were in Bijapur service, widened the gulf between these two kingdoms. Fuzuni,
the author of Futuhat-i-‘Adil-Shahl, wrote as a Bijapuri partisan, and it is
difficult to believe him when he ascribed the cause of rupture of ‘Adil Shah
with the Abyssinian leader to “bad behaviour and inordinate pride and
insolence”59 of the latter. But it may be mentioned here that ‘Ambar was eager
to regain the territories which had been forcibly occupied by Ibrahim II.
 |
When
feelings in Ahmadnagar and Bijapur were thus strained, both tried hard to join
Mughul alliance with a view to inflicting a stunning blow to the other. But the
Mughuls decided in favour of Bijapur, and ‘Ambar was left alone against a
formidable confederacy. He realized the gravity of the situation and removed
Murtaza II to the fortress of Daulatabad for safety. He then went towards GoF
conda and realized from the latter the fixed subsidy (zar-i-mukar rari) which
had been in arrears for two years and formed an offensive and defensive
alliance with it.60
Thus
strengthening his position, he marched against Bidar which had been under the
domination of Bijapur since 1619. By a surprise attack he defeated the Bijapur
army and pillaged the city. His next move was against Bijapur itself and
Ibrahim II> unable to oppose him in an open fight, withdrew into the walled
city which was besieged by the Nizam Shah! army. Driven to such an
extremity
‘Adil
Shah recalled his contingents under Mulla Muhammad Lari from Burhanpur where
they had been sent to join the Mughul ser¬ vice in fulfilment of the terms of
his alliance with them. As a re¬ sult of his appeal for Mughul assistance, the
Mughul governors of Ahmadnagar and Bir, with many other officers of distinction,
march¬ ed in conjunction with Mulla Muhammad Lari for the relief of Ibra¬ him
II. Alarmed at this heavy reinforcement, ‘Ambar repeatedly appealed to the
Mughul officers not to support Bijapur, and to allow Ahmadnagar and Bijapur to
settle their own differences, but in vain. They forced him to raise the siege
of Bijapur and retreat to his own country, but closely pursued by them. Thus,
goaded to the last extremity, he fell back “on Bhatvadi, about ten miles
south-east by east of the fort of Ahmadnagar, and on the western bank of the
Keli Nadi, a feeder of the Sina.,,60a Here he exhibited uncommon bra very and
resourcefulness in dealing with this desperate situation. By cutting the
embankment of the Bhatvadi lake he filled the adjoin¬ ing areas with mud and
water and rendered it impossible for his enemies to approach the place. A heavy
rain worsened the situa¬ tion. To make their position still more miserable,
‘Ambar carried on surprise night attacks, plundering the enemy-camps and making
it impossible for them to receive any supply of provisions. Scarcity of food
made the sufferings of the army so distressing that many deserted their camp.
The rival parties had encamped at a distance of two or three kros only, and, at
length, both of them arranged their forces for an open engagement. ‘Ambar’s
talents as a general never shone forth more brilliantly than in this battle.
The Mughuls and their Bijapur allies sustained a severe defeat and their
losses, too, were heavy (1624).61 Many Mughul and Bijapur commanders fell into
the hands of their enemies and Mulla Muhammad Lari was slain.
The
battle of Bhatvadi was indeed one of the most decisive battles in the history
of the Deccan. The victory saved Ahmadnagar from annihilation and engendered
great confidence in the minds of the victors about the superiority of their
military tactics and strength. It was a wonderful feat on the part of ‘Ambar
and humbled the pride of his adversaries.
After
sending the prisoners to Daulatabad, ‘Ambar hurried to¬ wards the fort of Ahmadnagar
which was besieged. Leaving a de¬ tachment to continue its siege he marched
against Bijapur, which, too, was invested as Ibrahim II had taken refuge within
this walled city. He also attacked and occupied the territories of the ‘Adil
Shah! kingdom upto the Mughul frontier in Balaghat. Sholapur was also invested
and occupied within a short time (1625).62
MUSLIM RESISTANCE TO MUGHUL IMPERIALISM (II) part
2 Here