MUSLIM RESISTANCE TO MUGHUL IMPERIALISM (I) here
MUSLIM RESISTANCE TO MUGHUL IMPERIALISM (II) part
2 here
In
the meantime, another force had been despatched against Burhanpur, the Mughul
commander of which, unable to resist, re¬ tired into the fort which was
besieged.
When
‘Ambar was thus in a favourable position, Shah Jahan, driven from the north,
again came to the Deccan and an alliance was formed between them. According to
the arrangement, the Prince co-operated with the Nizam Shahl force in pressing
the siege of Burhanpur. Despite three successive efforts the fort could not be
taken, and with the approach of Prince Parviz and Mahabat Khan, who had been
chasing the rebel prince, the siege was abandoned. Later on, the rebellion of
Mahabat Khan and the close attention of the Mughuls to subdue him, afforded a
suitable opportunity to ‘Ambar to drive away the Mughuls from the Deccan, but
his death in May, 1626, put an end to this checkered career. Before his death
he had the satisfaction of seeing that he left intact the independence of the
Ahmadnagar kingdom.
Malik
‘Ambar was one of the greatest personalities that Islam produced in the Deccan
and his wonderful abilities drew admiration even from his enemies, the Mughuls.
From obscurity he rose to a position of the highest distinction, re-established
and rejuvenated a fallen kingdom in the teeth of opposition of the Mughuls at
the height of their power, gave it a well-organized government and con¬
solidated it as far as practicable. He was a man of undaunted hero¬ ism,
indefatigable energy and uncommon perseverance. He was a general of rare genius
who remodelled the militia on a sound basis, best suited to the hilly regions
of his adopted country. The guerilla tactics, so well organized by him with the
Maratha bands, highly strengthened his position, and at times, the Mughuls
showed their bankruptcy in dealing with him.
Great
as he was as a general, he was no less famous as; a politi¬ cian. His actions
were always characterized by due caution and foresight. He showed his skill not
only in the revival of the fallen kingdom but also in the formation of a
powerful anti-Mughul coali¬ tion with the neighbouring States of Bijapur and Golconda
and it was only at the fag end of his career that a rift occurred with Ibra¬
him II “which threw the latter into their common enemy’s arms.”
He was also undoubtedly one of the greatest statesmen in the Deccan. By removing lawlessness and other disintegrating forces he established a strong but benign government, based on sympathy and goodwill of the people, both Hindus and Muslims. He was tole¬ rant to the Hindus, and no historian has stigmatized him for the demolition of any temple or other place of worship. The Hindus and the Muslims were equally eligible for government service and many Marathas like Shahji, the father of Shivaji, Sharifjl and Vithal raj occupied high rank in the Nizam Shahi government.
His
wise revenue system is another instance of his farsighted¬ ness and
constructive genius. Although new in the Deccan, it was based primarily on what
Raja Todarmal had introduced in northern India and some parts of Gujarat and
Khandesh. ‘Ambar’s objects “were threefold: first, the good of the peasantry,
secondly, encourage¬ ment and promotion of agriculture, and thirdly,
enhancement of the Government revenue.”63
Lands
were classified as good or bad according to their fertility and he took great
pains and a number of years to ascertain the average yield of lands. He
abolished revenue farming and relieved the peasantry from oppression of the
land farmers. At first, reve¬ nue was fixed as two-fifths of the actual produce
in kind, but later on, the cultivators were allowed to pay in cash “representing
about one-third of the yield.” Although an average rent was fixed for each plot
of land, actual collections depended on the condition of crops, and they varied
from year to year.64 Such kind and sympa¬ thetic consideration on the part of
the government gave satisfaction to the peasants, and encouraged cultivation of
waste land.65 This not only enhanced production but also augmented government
re¬ venue.
Malik
‘Ambar was the last prop of the Ahmadnagar kingdom and his death was the
beginning of its end. His eldest son, Fath Khan, was unscrupulous and incapable
of holding the position of his father. Dissatisfied with his king, Murtaza II,
he opened nego¬ tiations with the Mughuls, and at their suggestion, put him to
death, and raised his son, Husain, a boy of ten, to the throne, with the title
of Husain Nizam Shah III.
Husain Nizam Shah III (1630-1633)
Fath
Khian was not sincere to the Mughuls and did not act up to his promise. So,
Shah Jahan, who was then the Mughul Emperor, took steps to punish him, and along
with the boy king, he had to take shelter in the fortress of Daulatabad. Unable
to resist for long, he was compelled to submit before the superior arms of the
Mughuls (1631). But he again broke his pledge to them and they then pro¬ ceeded
against him and besieged Daulatabad. After a blockade of about four months they
succeeded in capturing it (1633). The young king Husain was sent as a State
prisoner to the fort of Gwa lior for the rest of his life and Fath Khan
taken into the Mughul service.653
Thus
came to an end the kingdom of Ahmadnagar, and although an attempt was
afterwards made by ShahjI with the assistance of Bijapur to revive it by
setting up a scion of the Nizam Shah! dynasty, it proved abortive (1636).
III. THE ‘ADIL-SHAH1 DYNASTY OF BIJAPUR Yiisuf ‘Adil Khan
(1490-1510)
The
founder of this dynasty was Yusuf ‘Adil Khan, the Bah manl governor of Bijapur,
who assumed independence in 1490. In his early life he was a Georgian slave and
sold to Mahmud Gavan at Bidar, but according to Firishta, he originally
belonged to a royal family, being the son of Sultan Murad II of Turkey, who
died in 1451 and was succeeded by his eldest son Muhammad. On his ac¬ cession,
the latter gave orders for the execution of his brothers, in¬ cluding Yusuf,
who was saved by the extraordinary skill of his mother. She managed to
substitute a slave boy for execution and sent her own son to Persia with the
help of a Persian merchant. He was secretly brought up in Persia, and when he
was seventeen years of age, he came to India and was sold as a Georgian slave
to the BahmanI minister Mahmud Gavan. From Firishta’s writings it appears that
he was satisfied as to the truth of the story.66
By
dint of his abilities as well as patronage of his new master, Yusuf rose from
one position to another till he became a person of prominence in the BahmanI
kingdom. Finally, he occupied the high position of the provincial governor of
Bijapur, and taking advantage of the weakness of the BahmanI Sultan, he assumed
a position of independence, in reality, though not in name.
The
city of Bijapur was made the seat of his government. He had a formidable enemy
in Qasim Barld, the powerful minister and de facto ruler of the BahmanI
kingdom, who was extremely jealous of his growing power. Qasim Barld formed an
alliance with Na rasa Nayaka, the Regent of Vijayanagara, and Bahadur GllanI,
the ruler of Konkan, and they invaded Bijapur. Narasa Nayaka at¬ tacked the
Krishna-Tungabhadra doab and captured both the fort¬ resses of Raichur and
Mudgal. Unable to repel all the attacks of his enemies at a time, Yusuf made
peace with Vijayanagara by the ces¬ sion of the above two forts and then drove
away Bahadur GllanI. Next, he marched against Qasim Barld who, in the meantime,
had joined with Malik Ahmad Nizam-ul-Mulk and Khvaja Jahan of Parenda. He met
them in the vicinity of Naldurg where Qasim Barid was defeated, and after this,
a treaty was made between Yusuf and Malik Ahmad.
As
soon as he got rid of his enemies, Yusuf directed his atten¬ tion to recover
Raichur and Mudgal, and Narasa Nayaka marched to oppose him. In the battle
which ensued, ‘Adil Khan was severe¬ ly defeated and, driven to a precarious
condition, he took recourse to a stratagem, inviting Narasa Nlayaka and his
young king Saluva Timma, with the nobles and officers for a peace conference
and kil¬ ling most of them by a treacherous attack; the king and the regent
anyhow escaped death. After this, Yusuf recovered both Raichur and
Mudgal.663
In
response to a request for assistance by Mahmud Shah, the Bahmanl Sultan, in his
campaign against Bahadur GllanI, ‘Adil Khan despatched a contingent of five
thousand cavalry to him. This helped his own cause as well, as it was with the
assistance of the Bahmanl Sultan and his minister Qasim Band that he got back
the fortress of Jamkhandi which Bahadur had occupied.
In
1504, ‘Adil Khan succeeded in gaining possession of the pro¬ vince of Gulbarga,
then held by Dastur Dinar, an Abyssinian, who was defeated and killed. This
acquisition enlarged his territory on the east.
Due
to his long stay in Persia in his early life, Yusuf was deeply attached to the
Shiah faith and cherished the idea of esta¬ blishing it in his dominion, but so
long he could not put his ideas into action, as he was preoccupied with
manifold difficulties. Now that he felt secure and strong enough to carry out
his contemplated project, he made this creed the State religion, but perfect
tolera¬ tion was allowed to his Sunni subjects. This innovation created enmity
not only at home but also abroad, and a formidable con¬ federacy was formed
against him by some of his Muslim neighbours, viz., Malik Ahmad, the ruler of
Ahmadnagar, and Mahmud Shah, the nominal Bahmanl Sultan, under instruction of
his minister Amir Barid; and, on their request, Sultan Qull Qutb-ul-Mulk, the
gover¬ nor of Telingana, too, joined them. Unable to cope with them Yusuf fled
to Berar, and, on the advice of Ala-ud-dln ‘Imad-ul-Mulk, gave orders for the
restoration of the Sunni faith and withdrew to Burhanpur. ‘Imad-ul-Mulk pointed
out to Malik Ahmad and Qull Qutb-ul-Mulk that Amir Barid had been on the look
out for the annihilation of ‘Adil Khan for his own selfish motive and not for
religion, and as ‘Adil Khan had already restored the Sunni creed, there was no
valid ground for continuing the war against him. Con¬ vinced of these arguments
they left the confederacy, and ‘Adil Khan with the assistance of
‘Imad-ul-Mulk, defeated Mahmud Shah and Amir Barld who fled to Bidar. Thereupon
Yusuf returned in triumph to Bijapur, and “being no longer apprehensive of his
enemies, he re¬ newed the public exercise of the Shiah religion/’67
Goa,
which was within the territory of Bijapur, was a very im¬ portant port on the
Malabar coast. It “was more favourably situated than Calicut or Cochin as far
as the trade of the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf was concerned, and it was for
this reason that Albu¬ querque, the governor of the Portuguese possessions in
the East, desired to possess it.”68 He made a surprise attack on it and occu¬
pied it without any difficulty (1510), but it did not remain long in his
possession, as it was shortly recovered by ‘Adil Khan.69
‘Adil
Khan died in October, 1510, and was buried at Gogi, to the east of Bijapur
city. Firishta praised him highly for his good qualities. He was handsome,
brave, a skilled musician, “eminent for his learning, his liberality”, and
“intimately acquainted with human nature.”
“Although
he mingled pleasure with business, yet he never allowed the former to interfere
with the latter. He always warned his ministers to act with justice and
integrity, and in his own per¬ son showed them an example of attention to these
virtues. He in¬ vited to his court many learned men and valiant officers from
Persia, Turkistan, and Room, also several eminent artists, who lived happily
under the shadow of bounty/"70
Isma‘il Adil Khan (1510-1534)
During
the minority of Isma‘Il, Kamal Khan, an experienced officer whom Yusuf had
appointed regent before his death, carried on the affairs of the government. He
established the Sunni faith as the State religion.
Albuquerque
was on the look out for an opportunity to recover Goa, and in November, 1510,
when most of its army was away in Bijapur to attend a State ceremony, he made a
surprise attack on it and re-occupied it. Goa was thus lost for ever to
Bijapur.
Concentration
of too much power in the hands of Kamal Khan made him highly ambitious. He
entered into a conspiracy with Amir Band and made an attempt to oust Isma‘Il
and seize the reins of government in his own hands. But it proved futile and he
was assassinated.
Amir
Band was bent on curbing the power of Bijapur. Jahan¬ gir Khan, the adopted son
of Dastur Dinar, was given all possible assistance to recover Gulbarga
which his father had once held and which Kamal Khan had also secretly promised
to cede to Amir Band. It was recovered and Jahangir was placed in charge of it
as a provincial governor. But Bijapur retook it, whereupon, Amir Barld, in the
name of the BahmanI Sultan, Mahmud Shah, appealed for aid to Ahmadnagar,
Golconda and Berar, all of whom responded to the call. Accompanied by their
forces, Barld, along with the Sultan marched against Bijapur. But Ismail
inflicted a severe de¬ feat on them, and Mahmud and his son Ahmad fell into the
hands of the Bijapur forces. ‘Adil Khan showed proper respect to the Sultan and
at the request of the latter, Bibi Musity, the sister of Ismail, who had been affianced
to Ahmad, was married to the latter at Gulbarga. After the ceremony, five
thousand Bijapur cavalry were sent to escort Mahmud Shah to Bldar. On the
approach of this army, Amir Barld fled away but as soon as they left Bldar, he
came back, and resumed control of all affairs of the BahmanI King¬ dom as
before.71
Ismail
had also the privilege of receiving high honour from Shah Isma‘11 Safavl, the
Sultan of Persia, in return for his assist¬ ance in relieving a Persian
ambassador from unnecessary detention at Bidar by the Sunni bigot, Amir Barid.
Highly satisfied, the Persian king sent him rich presents and addressed him as
an inde¬ pendent ruler.72
The
minority of the Sultan and Kamal Khan’s hostile activities against him had
afforded an opportunity to Krishnadevaraya, the king of Vijayanagara, to invade
the Bijapur kingdom. He attack¬ ed and occupied Raichur (1512). Getting rid of
his internal trou¬ bles and in an opportune moment when Krishnadevaraya was
busy in his war against Orissa, Ismail marched towards Raichur and captured it.
Highly incensed at this, Krishnadevaraya again pro¬ ceeded there with a large
army and invested this fort (1520). Ismail also moved against him, and in the
battle which ensued, he sustained a severe defeat with heavy losses. He had no
alternative but to take to his heels, and while retreating, many of his troops
were swept away by the strong current of the Krishna. But the Bijapur army in
the fort did not yield and fought valiantly, till their commander’s death
paralysed the defence, and made them surrender.
Hostilities
continued between Ismail and Krishnadevaraya in which the former suffered
several reverses, and even the city of Bijapur was once occupied by the enemy.
But after the death of Krishnadevaraya, ‘Adil Khan again invaded the Raichur
doab
(1530) and succeeded in gaining possession of both Raichur
and Mudgal.723
His
relations with the neighbouring Muslim States have most¬ ly been described in
connection with the history of Ahmadnagar and Bldar. While he was conducting
the siege of Kovelakonda, a fortress on the border of Golconda, he was attacked
with a high fever which proved fatal (1534). He was interred at Gogi, close to
the tomb of his father.
He
was just, kind, magnanimous, averse to harsh language, and fond of wit and
humour. He was also a poet and patron of the learned, a skilled musician, and
an expert painter.
Mallu ‘Adil Khan (1534-1535)
According
to the will of Ismall, his son Mallu Khan was ele¬ vated in his place with the
assistance of Asad Khan, the most in¬ fluential Bijapur noble, who became
protector of the State. The latter had been entrusted by Isma‘fl to prosecute
the siege of Kovela¬ konda, but it was abandoned, and the Bijapur forces
retreated to Gulbarga.
Mallu
was unfit to reign. He neglected his duties and indulged in low vices, the
result of which was discontent and confusion in the kingdom. Finding this a
suitable opportunity to recover the Raichur doaby Achyutadevaraya, the king of
Vijayanagara, invaded and succeeded in wresting it from Bijapur, compelling
Mallu to accept his terms.73
The
excesses of the latter became so intolerable that even his grandmother went
against him and had him removed and blinded, raising his younger brother
Ibrahim in his place.
Ibrdhim ‘Adil Shah I (1535-1557)
The
first act of Ibrahim was to establish the Sunni faith, to which he belonged, as
the State religion, and to discontinue the use of the head-dress of the Shiahs
in his army. He then dismissed a large number of foreigners and appointed
Deccanis and Abyssinians in their places. Another innovation which also went
against the foreigners was the introduction of the Deccani languages like
Marathi and Kannada, instead of Persian, for maintenance of Govern¬ ment
accounts which were then kept by the Brahmins in exclusion of the foreigners.
The Brahmins thus got a good opportunity of acquiring considerable influence in
the government.
Ibrahim
I took advantage of the internecine quarrels in Vijaya nagara during the reign
of Achyutadevaraya and invaded that king¬ dom. Nagalapur, a town near
Vijayanagara, was “razed to the ground” and both Achyutadevaraya and
Ramaraj&, who were at enmity with each other, were afraid lest he should
join hands with the other side. ‘Adil Shah besieged the city of Vijayanagara, and,
by negotiations with the contending parties, settled their differences after
which he returned to his kingdom on receipt of a large sum of money, twelve
fine elephants, and some horses as a reward for his services.74
Later
on, his attempt to take possession of the fortress of Adoni from Vijayanagara
appeared to have ended in fiasco. His relations with Ahmadnagar and other
States of the Deccan have already been discussed in the section on Ahmadnagar
and need not be repeated here.
Suspecting
treachery on the part of some of his officers he put to death seventy Muslims
and forty Hindus of high rank in course of two months. Such cruel action did
not go without serious re¬ action, and a conspiracy was formed to depose him
and place his brother ‘Abdullah on the throne (1545). But the matter leaked out
and most of the conspirators were put to death. It was with great difficulty
that ‘Abdullah managed to escape to the Portuguese at Goa.
Although
the relation between Bijapur and the Portuguese was friendly for a considerable
time, it was disturbed by the presence of Prince ‘Abdullah at Goa, as Ibrahim I
was anxious to gain pos¬ session of his rebel brother. He proposed to cede
Salsette and Bardez to the Portuguese on condition of the surrender of his
brother. But without complying with it, they proposed to send him to Malacca.
They did not act up to this proposal even, but occu¬ pied Salsette and Bardez,
and this finally brought Bijapur and Goa into conflict. Ibrahim I was
ultimately forced to give up his claim on these places and conclude peace with
the Portuguese in August, 1548, mainly for two reasons: he had become anxious
when he heard of the separate treaties of Vijayanagara and Ahmadnagar with the
Portuguese, and moreover, he was aware that enmity with Goa would mean loss of
maritime commerce, as it was the Portuguese navy which then controlled the
trade of the Arabian Sea.75
‘Abdullah’s
case never prospered, and, in 1555, when his cause was championed by Saif
‘Ain-ul-Mulk, then a hostile Bijapur noble, he was captured and
imprisoned.76
At
the fag end of his career, Ibrahim I led a dissipated life which hastened his
death. He fell ill and died in 1557. It has already been stated that he was the
first ruler of this dynasty to assume the title of “Shah”.
‘All ‘Adil Shah I (1557-1580)
Ibrahim
I had a mind to nominate his younger son Tahmasp as his successor in preference
to his eldest son ‘All who was a Shiah, but when it came to his knowledge that
Tahmasp was a more zea¬ lous Shiah than ‘All, he became highly incensed and
left the matter of succession without any decision. On his decease, ‘All
ascended the throne with the aid of the influential ‘Adil Shahl nobles.
‘All
‘Adil Shah’s first act was the re-establishment of the Shiah faith as the State
religion and encouragement to the foreigners to enter his service.
It
has been stated in the history of Husain Nizam Shah (1553- 1565) that ‘AH I
formed an alliance with Vijayanagara against Husain (1558) and humbled him. The
confederate army, particularly the Vijayanagara army, carried on depredations
on an extensive scale in the territories of Ahmadnagar and these were highly
resented by the neighbouring Muslim kingdoms. These, along with other reasons,
which brought about a coalition of the four Deccani Muslim States including
Bijapur against Vijayanagara and the parts played in the formation of this
alliance as well as in the battle of Talikota by ‘All I, have also been
discussed above.763
In
1569, ‘All formed alliances with Murtaza Nizam Shah I and the Zamorin of
Calicut against the Portuguese with a view to re¬ covering Goa. The plan was
quite sound, as it was decided to attack both Chaul and Goa simultaneously,
thus dividing Portuguese military strength in two places at the same time. The
military operations began in January, 1570. Chaul, which was a Portuguese
outpost in the Ahmadnagar kingdom, was besieged by Murtaza I and Goa by ‘All I.
But none of the operations succeeded, as the Portuguese repulsed all their
attacks. The siege of Chaul was abandoned after seven months and ‘All also
ultimately gave up the siege of Goa and retreated.
After
this, ‘All decided to extend his kingdom in the south and moved against Adoni,
the hill fortress of Vijayanagara, and suc¬ ceeded in capturing it after
prolonged siege. His enhancement of power in this region was looked upon with
disfavour by Murtaza Nizam Shah I, but instead of coming to arms both of them
decided amicably to allow each other to extend their respective frontiers in
the areas which each coveted. A treaty was concluded permitting Murtaza I to
annex Berar and Bidar, and ‘All I to conquer an equivalent territory in the
Western Carnatic.77
In
accordance with the above arrangement, ‘All I marched with his minister Mustafa
Khan to the Western Carnatic and conquered many places one after another, some
of which were kept under his direct administration and others allowed to remain
under their respective local chiefs who paid him tribute. Mustafa Khan was
appointed Governor of the conquered territories with his head¬ quarters at
Chandraguni and ‘All returned to Bijapur (1575) after an absence of more than
three years.
Next
year, he marched to Adoni and thence to Penukoiida, the capital of Srlrahga I
of Vijayanagara. On his approach, the latter retired with his treasures into
the fort of Chandragiri, leaving the defence of the capital to his general
Chennappa. ‘All laid siege to it but the garrison held out for three months,
and when they were almost ready to surrender, &rlranga bought over a
Maratha com¬ mander of ‘All. This desertion helped the cause of Vijayanagara
which received help from Golconda also, and Chennappa N'ayaka succeeded in
defeating ‘Adil Shah who was compelled to raise the siege (1576) and retire to
Bijapur.773
Having
no issue, ‘All nominated his nephew Ibrahim, the son of Tahmasp, as his
successor. Within a few months, ‘All was assassinat¬ ed by one of the two
eunuchs whom he had brought from Bidar (1580) as a price for his help to ‘All
Band against an Ahmadnagar invasion.
It
was during the reign of ‘All ‘Adil Shah that the wall of Bijapur city was
constructed, and arrangements were made for ample supply of water in the walled
city by cutting an aqueduct and con¬ structing a large reservoir. He showed his
fine taste for architec¬ ture, specially by the construction of buildings like
Jami Masjid, Mecca Masjid, and Gagan Mahal or Hall of Audience. Although not
fully completed, Jami ‘Masjid “is the best proportioned building in the city”
of Bijapur and “for simplicity of design, impressive gran¬ deur and the-solemn
hush of its corridors” it “stands unrivalled.”78
Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah II (1580-1627)
Ibrahim
ascended the throne at the age of nine. Kamil Khan Deccani was appointed regent
and Chand Sultan, the widow of ‘All I and daughter of Husain Nizam Shah I, was
entrusted with the edu¬ cation of the minor Sultan. But the regent having shown
disrespect to Chand Sultan, she and Haji Kishvar Khan, another Deccani of high
rank, planned to remove him, and one evening, while Kamil Khan was engaged in
an official work in the palace, Kishvar Khan attempted to seize him whereupon
he took to flight but was seized and beheaded.79
Kishvar
Khan was then appointed regent, and, following in the footsteps of Kamil Khan,
he also exercised uncontrolled sway in the kingdom. Taking advantage of these
internal troubles in Bijapur, Ahmadnagar invaded it, but Bihzad-ul-Mulk, the
commander of the Nizam Shah! army, sustained a heavy defeat at Dharaseo and all
his artillery and elephants fell into the hands of his enemies. The victory was
again followed by an internecine quarrel in consequence of an order issued by
the Regent to the military officers to give up the elephants, captured in the
last campaign, to the Sultan. This gave offence to the nobles concerned who not
only refused compliance but determined to oust him from the regency and instal
Mustafa Khan, another nobleman, in his place. Informed of these designs,
Kishvar Khan made a conspiracy against Mustafa and had him assas¬
sinated.80
Highly
enraged at this cold-blooded murder, Chand Sultan up¬ braided Kishvar Khan who,
in retaliation, had her confined in the fortress of Satara. This and some other
high-handed acts made him extremely unpopular and a strong party was formed
against him. Feeling his position insecure and resistance impossible, he fled
to Ahmadnagar, but being unable to find a shelter there he went to Golconda
where he was assassinated by a relative of Mustafa. Al¬ though Chand Sultan was
released from Satara, the situation in Bija¬ pur did not improve; party strife
continued, and encouraged by such internal dissensions, Ahmadnagar, in
conjunction with Golconda, in¬ vaded Bijapur and laid siege to the fortress of
Naldurg. The garrison defended it with all their might and its commandant
resisted every effort of the enemy to reduce it. Finding difficulty in
capturing it and expecting that dissensions prevailing at the capital would
help its fall and hasten the conquest of other places of the ‘Adil Shah! State,
the confederate army raised the siege of Naldurg and proceed¬ ed towards the
capital. There were then only two to three thou¬ sand troops to defend the
city, and although reinforcements arrived within a few days, there was lack of
concerted action and desertions followed from their camp. On the other hand,
the Ahmadnagar camps, too, were suffering from discords and dissensions which
de¬ layed their assault on the walled city.
Chand
Sultan entrusted the work of defence to an able officer named Abu-’l-Hasan who
saved the situation by summoning the Maratha forces from the Carnatic and
employing them in harassing enemies by cutting off their supplies and in all
other possible man¬ ner. Both the forces of Ahmadnagar and Golconda began to
feel badly the pinch of starvation and they were compelled to retreat. The
Nizam Shahl army retired to Ahmadnagar after plundering some places of Bijapur
on the way, while the forces of Golconda were defeated and driven out of
Bijapur, even to the gates of Golconda.
When
Bijapur was free from foreign aggression, internal dis¬ orders again vitiated
its atmosphere. It was Dilavar Khan who had driven back the Qutb Shahl forces;
and, on return from this success¬ ful campaign, he coveted the high position of
minister by ousting Ikhlas Khan who was captured, blinded, and kept in
confinement, and Dilavar Khan became all powerful in the kingdom. Abu-’l Hasan
was also blinded and put to death. Chand Sultan’s power was curtailed and the
Sunni faith established as the State religion. Dilavar remained the dominant
force in Bijapur for eight years from 1582 to 1590 and, during this period,
matrimonial alliances were formed with Golconda and Ahmadnagar. Ibrahim II
married a sister of Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah, and his sister Khadija was married
to Miran Husain, the son of Murtaza Nizjam Shah I. But within a few years, war
again commenced between Ahmadnagar and Bijapur and Dilavar Khan was defeated at
Dharaseo (1591). This led to his fall and he was forced to leave Bijapur and
take shelter in Ahmadnagar where he entered the service of Burhan Nizam Shah
II. The latter refused to send him back to Bijapur and his instigation led to a
renewal of war between these two kingdoms, but Burhan sustained a serious
defeat. These have already been stated in the history of Ahmadnagar.
By
a stratagem, Ibrahim II inflicted a befitting punishment on the traitor,
Dilavar Khan, when he came back to Bijapur on assu¬ rances of safety as well as
of reinstatement to his former position. He was blinded and confined in the
fortress of Satara, till his death.81
Relieved
of the control of Dilavar, Ibrahim II assumed charge of the government, but
even then, he was not free from domestic troubles. In 1594 his brother,
Isma‘il, rebelled against him, and al¬ though the situation became very serious
owing to the defection of ‘Ain-ul-Mulk, the Amir-ul-Umara, and the advance of
Burhan II to aid the rebels, Ibrahim succeeded in quelling the rebellion before
the Nizam Shahl army could actually come to the assistance of his enemies. Both
Isma‘il and ‘Ain-ul-mulk were captured and put to death.
Subsequent
relations of Ibrahim II with Burhan II and his son Ibrahim Nizam Shah have
already been described in the history of the Nizam Shahl kingdom.813 When, on
the death of the last named Ahmadnagar Sultan, that kingdom was convulsed by
party strife as well as Mughul invasion, Ibrahim II, at the request of Chand
Sultan, rendered necessary assistance to it to tide over the difficulties.
Although the kingdom could not be saved, the fact remains that ‘Adil Shah was
not slow in lending aid to his neigh¬ bouring State in its hour of peril in
spite of long-standing enmity existing between them. Subsequently, when Malik
‘Ambar appear¬ ed as a saviour on the political arena of Ahmadnagar and sought
his assistance, he helped him in his efforts to revive the fallen fortunes of
the State, and like that astute politician, he, too, rea¬ lized the necessity
of mutual aid and co-operation with a view to protecting their kingdoms against
Mughul aggression. At the re¬ quest of ‘Ambar he allowed ‘All, a scion of the
Nizam Shah! dynasty, then at Bijapur, to proceed to Parenda and ascend the
throne of the newly revived Ahmadnagar kingdom with the title of Murtaza Shah
Nizam-ul-Mulk.
Ibrahim
II also joined hands with ‘Ambar in his conflicts with the Mughuls on many
occasions, and it was unfortunate that a rift occurred between them at the fag
end of their career, but it must be said to their credit that they foiled the
Mughul efforts to annex the south for a considerable time.81b
It
was during the reign of this monarch that Bldar was annexed to the ‘Adil Shahl
kingdom (1619).
In
spite of his preoccupations in war, Ibrahim II devoted his time to the civil
administration of his country. In this connection Mea¬ dows Taylor says: “He
applied himself to the civil affairs with much care, and the land settlements
of the provinces of his kingdom, many of which are still extant among district
records, show an admirable and efficient system of registration of property and
its valuation. In this respect, the system of Todar Mai introduced by the
Emperor Akbar seems to have been followed with the necessary local
modifications.”82
About
his tolerance and broadness of mind the same writer says: “Although he changed the
profession of the State religion immediately upon assuming the direction of
State affairs from Shiah to Sunni, Ibrahim was yet extremely tolerant of all
creeds and faiths. Hindus not only suffered no persecution at his hands, but
many of his chief civil and military officers were Brahmins and Marathas.”83
His liberal views were testified to by Firishta aswell,84 and he was known as
the “Jagadguru”, or “spiritual guide of the world.”
He
was a man of culture, patron of the learned and fond of music and poetry. It
was during his reign that Muhammad Qasim Firishta wrote the famous Tdr^ikh,
better known as the Tdrlkh-i Firishta. He was also a great builder and several
ornate buildings erected by him show his fine taste. Of these, the Ananda Mahal
or palace of delight, built in 1589, is a very conspicuous palace in the
Bijapur fort; the Mihtar Mahal, Malika Jahan Masjid and the mausoleum of his
queen Taj Sultan also deserve special mention.
He
died in September, 1627, and was buried at a short distance from the walled
city of Bijapur. His own mausoleum in the group of buildings known as the
Ibrahim Rauza is a richly decorated structure. It was not quite finished during
his life-time and was completed during the reign of his son Muhammad ‘Adil
Shah.
Muhammad iAdil Shah (1627-1656)
Although
Darvesh was the eldest son of the late Sultan, his claim was set aside by the
joint intrigues of the minister Mustafa Khan and another influential Bijapur
noble named Daulat Khan. Darvesh was blinded, and his younger brother Muhammad,
a boy of fifteen, was raised to the throne, under the title of Muhammad ‘Adil
Shah.
Early
in his reign, the Nizam Shah! army under Hamid Khan invaded Bijapur, but they
were defeated and compelled to retreat to their territory.
On
his accession to the throne, Shah Jahan started a vigorous policy against the
Deccan States.84a In 1631, Bijapur was invaded, and although the Mughul army
scored some successes at the early stages of the campaign and laid siege to the
fort of Bijapur, they were ultimately compelled to withdraw, due to acute
shortage of supplies.
Shah
Jahan, who was bent upon annexing the Deccan States, was highly dissatisfied at
this discomfiture. The conduct of Muham¬ mad ‘Adil Shah and ‘Abdullah Qutb
Shah, who tried to seize some of the territories of the fallen Nizam Shah!
kingdom and offered secret aid to Shahji in his effort to revive that kingdom,
further annoyed him. Besides, the emperor, who was a staunch Sunni, bore hatred
against these States, many of whose princes, nobles and peo¬ ple professed the
Shiah faith. Both Bijapur and Golconda were asked to accept Mughul suzerainty
and some other terms. Shah Jahan personally went to the Deccan for better
conduct of affairs (1636), and three armies of 50,000 men in all were kept ready
for action against them.
Golconda
submitted in terror, but ‘Adil Shah decided to resist Mughul aggression.
Bijiapur was invaded from three sides and the Mughul armies carried on
extensive devastations in the towns and villages, mercilessly massacring the
inhabitants. Although the Sul¬ tan fought with great valour and defended his
capital by cutting the dam of the Shahpur lake and flooding the surrounding
country-side, he was eventually compelled to sue for peace, and a treaty was
concluded between them in May, 1636. The Sultan of Bijapur ac¬ knowledged the
“overlordship” of the Mughul emperor, promised not to cause any annoyance to
the Sultan of Golconda, now his (em¬ peror’s) vassal, and agreed to pay a sum
of twenty lakhs of rupees as an annual tribute. In return, Shah Jahan assigned
to Bijapur a part of the recently conquered Ahmadnagar territory consisting of
fifty pargands which included Sholapur and vangi mahals, the par gands of
Bhalki and Chidgupa, north Konkan, and the Poona dis¬ trict, yielding an annual
revenue of eighty lakhs of rupees, while the Mughuls annexed the rest of
Ahmadnagar. The Sultan was ordered to abstain from aiding ShahjI in any hostile
activity.8413
After
this, friendly relations prevailed between Muhammad ‘Adil Shah and the Mughul
emperor, and there were exchanges of presents between the two. Thus feeling
secure on the north, ‘Adil Shah diverted his attention towards the extension of
his frontiers on the other three sides, viz., the east, south and west.
“The
principality of Ikkeri had been raided in 1635 at the invita¬ tion of a local
faction, and a heavy fine of 30 lakhs of hurts imposed on its Raja Virabhadra
Nayak.”85 In 1637 the invasion was renewed at the invitation of Kenge Hanuma,
chief of Basavapattanam and Tarikere, a recalcitrant feudatory of Ikkeri.85a
Randaulah Khan, with a huge force consisting of 40,000 cavalry, besides
infantry and elephant corps, invaded Ikkeri. He proceeded as far as Ikkeri, the
capital city, and, unable to resist long, Virabhadra retreated to the fortress
of Bhuvanagiri. After occupying the capital city, the Bija¬ pur army laid siege
to Bhuvanagiri, whereupon he was compelled to sue for peace, and, according to
the terms of the treaty, he had to surrender the forts already occupied by the
Bijapur army and acknowledge the overlordship of the Sultan of Bijapur. Shortly
after this, Ikkeri helped Bijapur to crush Tarikere and Basavapatta¬
nam.86
In
1647, Mustafa Khan, the Bijapur general, marched against Srlranga III of Vijayanagara,
and took several places including Kri shnagiri and Deva Durga. In the same year
he arrived at Vellore where he met Mir Jumla, the Golconda general, and it was
arranged that they would wrest the territories of £>riranga and divide them
between Bijapur and Golconda. Vellore was besieged and occupied by Mustafa Khan
whose victorious army took possession of many other places including
Kaveripattanam, Hasan, Kanakagiri, Ratna giri and Arjunakote, all belonging to
Vijayanagara.87
On
Mustafa Khan’s death in November, 1648, the command of the Bijapur
expeditionary forces devolved on Khan Muhammad (Khan Khanan) who succeeded in
capturing the fortress of Gingee in December, 1649. The victors received a rich
booty consisting of gold, silver and precious stones worth several crores of
rupees. The Nayakas of Madura and Tanjore then offered their submission,88 and
towards the west, the ‘Adil Shahi army obtained some successes against the
Portuguese of Goa also. The territories of Bijapur now extended “from the Arabian
Sea to the Bay of Bengal, across the Indian Peninsula.”89
It
was during this reign that Shivaji started his activities against Bijapur and
the serious illness of Muhammad ‘Adil Shah in 1646 afforded him a grand
opportunity for the same. He occupied many forts, one after another, like
Torna, Kondhana (Simhagarh), Chakan and Purandar; but, for these acts of
disloyalty, his father Shahj® was arrested and Shivaji secured his release with
great difficulty.
Muhammad
‘Adil Shah breathed his last in November, 1656. It was during his reign that
the ‘Adil Shahi kingdom attained its greatest extent and power. At the time of
his death it “had an annual revenue of seven krores and eighty-four lakhs of
rupees, be¬ sides five krores twenty-five lakhs of tribute due from vassal
rajahs and zamindars. The strength of the army establishment was 80,000 cavalry
and 2,50,000 infantry, besides 530 war elephants. The exact extent of the
kingdom can be judged from the fringe of dependent and tributary states around
it, covering the Kanara and Dharwar districts of Bombay, the Bellary and
Karnool districts of Madras, and much of the kingdom of Mysore.”90
Muhammad
‘Adil Shah was well known for piety, justice and love for his subjects, and was
a patron of arts, literature and science. He also earned great reputation as a
builder; the most conspicuous building erected by him in Bijapur was his own
mausoleum, the great Gol Gumbaz, which contains one of the greatest domes in
the world. He also erected the Asar Mahal within which was enshrined two hairs
of the Prophet’s beard.
‘All ‘Adil Shah II (1656-1672)
‘All
Adil Shah II, the only son of the late Sultan, was then placed on the throne
with the help of Queen Bari Sahiba and prime minister Khan Muhammad. He was
only eighteen years of age and incapable of controlling different factions
within the kingdom. Disorders fol¬ lowed in some of the newly conquered
territories and consequent loss of them, and the nobles began to quarrel among
themselves for power. Aurangzlb, who was then Mughul viceroy of the Deccan,
considered it a convenient time for the invasion of Bijapur, and with the
sanction of the emperor, on the plea that ‘All was not really a son of the late
king, he opened his campaign against ‘Adil Shah and laid siege to the fort of Bidar.
In the meantime, he had been able to seduce some of the ‘Adil Shah! nobles; Mir
Jumla, who had deserted his master, the Sultan of Golconda, and joined the
Mughuls, render¬ ed immense help to him.
But
this declaration of war against Bijapur on an issue which was purely its own
concern, was wholly unjustified. Bidar fell after a gallant resistance of
twenty-seven days (1657). Bijapur could not check the advance of the Mughuls
who ravaged an extensive area of the kingdom and laid siege to Kalyani, forty
miles west of Bidar, and once the capital of the Chalukya kings, which also
fell (1657). ‘All ‘Adil Shah II was compelled to sue for peace, and on the
inter¬ cession of Daria, Shah Jahan agreed to conclude a treaty with Bija¬ pur.
‘Adil Shah consented to surrender Bidar, Kalyani and Parenda, and pay an
indemnity of one crore of rupees to the Mughuls.
After
these, the news of serious illness of Shah Jahan and Aurangzlb’s march towards
the north to contest the throne, and quar¬ rels among the Bijapur nobles,
culminating in the murder of Khan Muhammad, gave ShivajI an opportunity for his
ambitious projects. He hurried to Konkan and occupied Kalyan, Bhivandi and the
fort of Mahuli.
In
1659 the Bijapur government sent Afzal Khan, a noble of high rank, with 10,000
cavalry against ShivajI with instruction to capture him dead or alive. It has
been already narrated how Afzal Khan opened negotiations with the Maratha
chief, met him in a con¬ ference, and was killed by ShivajI (pp. 258-9).
The
leaderless Bijapur army became panic-stricken and had no courage to oppose the
enemy. Many of them were killed and others surrendered. Their losses were heavy
and all their artillery, am¬ munition, and camp equipage fell into the hands of
the Marathas (1659).
After
this triumph, Shivaji captured the fort of Panhala and obtained more successes
against Bijapur. To avenge these losses and drive away the rebel, ‘All II sent
Fazl Khan and SidI Jauhar, now entitled Salabat Khan, and Shivaji was defeated
and forced to take shelter in the fort of Panhala which was also besieged. It
was with difficulty that the latter managed to escape.
Taking
advantage of ill-feeling between the Nayakas of Madura and Tanjore, ‘All II
despatched a large army against them. A sur¬ prise attack was made on Tanjore
upon which its Nayaka, Vijaya> raghava, fled to Vallam and the Bijapur force
occupied Tanjore with¬ out much difficulty (1659). The fort of Vallam also fell
without any resistance, as the Nayaka had fled to the forests of Talavarayan
and the garrison did not defend it. The victors then proceeded to the fort of
Trichinopoly and laid siege to it, but due to famine and troubles created by
the Kallars (robber chiefs), they had to retire on receipt of a sum of money
only from the Nayaka of Madura. Soon after, Vijayaraghava reoccupied Tanjore.
In 1663, another expedition was sent to Trichinopoly which was besieged, and
the surrounding regions were plundered. But in spite of repeated at¬ tacks, the
fort could not be occupied and the Bijapur army had to retire on receipt of a
large sum of money from the ruler of Madura.91
The
Nayaka of Ikkeri had recovered several forts like Ikkeri, Soraba, Udugani,
Mahadevpura and Ambaligolla from Bijapur, and ‘Ali II led a campaign against
him, defeated him near Ambaligolla, and occupied Bednor, the then capital of
Ikkeri. The fort of Bhuva nagiri was then invested, but Bhadrappa Nayaka, the
Nayaka of Ikkeri (1662-64), adopted guerilla tactics and cut off all communi¬
cations of the Bijapur forces who were obliged to make peace with him and
retire. ‘All II sent another expedition against Ikkeri and occupied three of
its forts (about 1668).92
In
the meantime, Bijapur had to face another Mughul invasion, and this was led by
Jay Singh (1665-66). Although the Mughul ad¬ vance was rapid for some time, it
soon received a serious set-back through the exertions of ‘All II, and Jay
Singh was compelled to retire without achieving anything. “Not an inch of
territory, not a stone of a fortress, not a pice of indemnity was gained.”93
After
this, ‘Ali II did not at all attend to his duties but spent his time in idle
pleasures. Fortunately for him, he had an able prime minister in ‘Abdul
Muhammad who conducted the administration with efficiency.
The
Sultan died of paralysis in 1672 and was succeeded by his son Sikandar, a boy
of four only. ‘All was a patron of Urdu litera¬ ture. Among the court-poets who
flourished during his reign and wrote in Deccani Urdu were Mian Nusrali, Mian
Hansi and Mirjan Marsiya. “Besides the two memorable works Gulshan-i-Ishq and
All Noma, Nusrali composed numerous Qasidahs and Diivan-i-Gha zals full of
beauty and virility. Mian Hansi’s solid contributions to literature are his
story of Yusuf and Zulaikha, Gkazals and other poems. Mirjan Marsiya, the third
notable poet and writer, wrote verses in praise of the Prophet, Hasan and
Husain, and the Imams.”94
Sikandar ‘Adii Shah (1672-1686)
Sikandar
was the last of the ‘Adil Shahi Sultans, and as he was a minor, the
administration of the kingdom was run by its wazirs or prime ministers who also
acted as regents. “The history of Bijapur from 1672 to 1686 is really the
history of its v^azirs. It was a period marked by chronic civil war among the
factious nobles, indepen¬ dence of the provincial governors, paralysis of the
central adminis¬ tration in the capital itself, occasional but indecisive
Mughul inva¬ sions, and a secret alliance but pretended hostility with the Mara
thas.”95
Immediately
after the death of ‘All II, Khavass Khan, the Abys¬ sinian leader of the Deccani
party, seized the real powers of the State and became prime minister and
regent. But due to his in¬ capacity and indolence there were disturbances in
the kingdom, and taking advantage of this situation, ShivajI conquered some of
its territories and the Mughuls began to seduce its nobles. Khavass Khan was in
power for three years, and when he had quarrels and bitter animosity with
‘Abdul Karim Buhlul Khan, the commander in-chief and leader of the Afghan
party, the latter invited him to a dinner and imprisoned him in a drunken state
(1675). Buhlul then stepped into his position but his regime of two years was
worse. He raised his own men to high posts and expelled those of the Dec¬ cani
party. Disorders followed in the kingdom and his chief ad¬ viser, Khizr Khan,
was murdered; in revenge, Buhlul murdered Khavass Khan. The Mughuls took up the
cause of the Deccani party who had sought their assistance and occupied Naldurg
and Gulbarga (1677).
Under
the Afghan regime the sufferings of the people knew no bounds, and, at last, on
the death of Buhlul (1678), Sddi Mas‘ud, another Bijapur! noble, with the
assistance of the Mughuls, became prime minister and regent. He made peace with
the Mughuls, one of the conditions of which was that Shahr Banu Begam, Sikandar’s
sister, was to be married to a son of Aurangzlb, and, according to this, she
left the city of Bijapur in 1679 and was married to Prince A‘zam in July,
1681.95a
The
condition of Bijapur went from bad to worse. The govern¬ ment was bankrupt, and
disorder and anarchy prevailed in the State due to quarrels between Mas‘ud and
Sharza Khan, an influential noble. The Regent could not, in the least, improve
the dilapidated condition of the kingdom and its future seemed to be
doomed.
After
a bitter experience of five years as wazir and regent, Mas‘ud resigned his
office early in 1684. Aqa Khusrav, who then occupied his place in March, 1684,
died in October of the same year. The time was extremely ominous and dark
clouds were hanging on the political horizon of Bijapur. The most intrepid
general, Sayyid Makhdum surnamed Sharza Khan, was entrusted with the defence of
the kingdom.
In
the meantime, the Mughuls had been appropriating Bijapur territories and
establishing their outposts in them. Mangalvide and Sangola were conquered in
May, 1684. Aurangzlb, who was deter¬ mined to annex this kingdom both on
political and religious grounds, took vigorous steps to prosecute his plans.
Acrimonious letters passed between him and Sikandar, and a serious rupture
seemed imminent, although some months passed before the formal out¬ break of
war. In such a critical time, the Sultan of Golconda pro¬ mised aid to Bijapur
and a Maratha contingent also arrived there from ShambhujI.
In
April, 1685, the Mughuls laid siege to the fort of Bijapur, and Prince A‘zam
reached there in June to take charge of the ope¬ rations. The Bijiapuris fought
valiantly for the defence of their capital and within a month three severe
battles were fought. They cut off the supplies of the Mughuls who suffered
terribly for want of provisions, but the prince was resolute and conducted the
siege in¬ spite of his father’s order to return. Aurangzlb then sent sufficient
provisions, money and reinforcements which saved the besieging army, but even
after a siege of fifteen months, there was no real progress owing to discord
and jealousy among the officers. So, the Emperor himself went to Rasulpur, a
suburb west of the fort, (1686),95b and pressed the siege in right earnest. His
personal pre¬ sence and firm determination to capture the fort cowed down the
courage of the Bijapurls. They lost heart, as they saw no hope of saving their
capital city. The garrison had shrunk to two thousand men only and there was no
possibility of assistance from outside. The scarcity of provisions due to
famine made their position still more intolerable and it was not possible to
resist any longer.
In
September, 1686, Sikandar surrendered to the Mughul Em¬ peror.950 Thus, the
‘Adil Shahi kingdom lost its independent existence and was annexed to the
Mughul Empire. Sikandar was enrolled as a Mughul peer, with an annual pension
of one lakh of rupees, but he had to suffer life-long imprisonment and died in
April, 1700, when he was less than thirty-two.
With
the loss of independence, Bijapur, which was once “the queen of southern
India”, wore the look of a desolate city.
IV. THE TMAD-SHAHI DYNASTY OF BERAR
The
founder of this dynasty, Fath-ullah Tmad-ul-Mulk, was ori¬ ginally a Hindu from
Karnatak. In his boyhood, he was taken prisoner by the BahmanI army, converted
to Islam and appointed one of the body-guards of Khan Jahan, the governor of
Berar. By dint of his abilities he rose to positions of distinction and
received the lofty title of Tmad-ul-Mulk. He also became the governor of Berar,
the most northern province of the BahmanI kingdom, and the weak¬ ness of the
central government encouraged him to assume indepen¬ dence in 1490.96
He
exerted his utmost to improve and strengthen the newly founded autonomous
State, and after his death in 1504, his eldest son, ‘Ala-ud-dln Tmad Shah,
succeeded him as the ruler of Berar.
IAld-ud-dln Tmad Shah (1504-30)
During
‘Ala-ud-dln’s time started the long-drawn struggle with Ahmadnagar, culminating
in the annexation of Berar by the former. Various factors were responsible for
this conflict. First, the rela¬ tion between these two kingdoms was strained
due to an invasion of Ahmadnagar by Berar with a view to rendering assistance
to some disaffected Nizam Shahi nobles who had taken shelter in it. Al¬ though
the invasion was repulsed by the Nizam Shahls (1510) and a peace concluded
between these kingdoms, it did not last long, and they again came to arms for
another and more important cause. Burhan Nizam Shah I coveted Pathrl, his
ancestral home, situated in the kingdom of Berar, but bordering on Ahmadnagar
and, in lieu of it, he offered another place to Tmad Shah “yielding even a
greater revenue,”963 but the latter rejected the proposal and fortified it,
whereupon the former made a sudden attack and took it (1518).97
Ala-ud-dm
contracted a matrimonial alliance with Isma‘11 kAdil Khan by marrying his
sister Khadija and also concluded a friendly alliance with Golconda. With a
combined army of these States, he recovered Fathrl, but within a short time,
Burhan again took it (1527).
The
third cause of conflict between Berar and Ahmadnagar was over the possession of
Mahur. Burhian strengthened his position by an alliance with Bidar and invaded
Berar. He took possession of Mahur, and then proceeded as far as Ellichpur, its
capital. At this critical juncture, Ala-ud-dm sought the aid of Muhammad I, the
ruler of Khandesh, but this also did not improve his position, as both of them
sustained a serious defeat, with the loss of all their camp equipage and three
hundred elephants. Many places of Berar were occupied by the allied armies of
Ahmadnagar and Bidar. The two vanquished Sultans then sought the assistance of
Bahadur Shah of Gujarat, who, finding it a suitable opportunity for extending
his power in the south, responded to their appeal, and proceeded to the Deccan
(1528). Alarmed at this Burhan requested Bijapur, Golconda and Bidar for help,
and both Bijapur and Bidar responded to his appeal and sent him necessary
assistance. Bahadur, who moved against Ahmad¬ nagar, was defeated twice, but
the allied army could not cope with him when further reinforcements joined the
Gujarat army. Both Burhan and Amir Barid were compelled to fall back on Parenda
and thence to Junnar, and began to harass the enemy by night attacks and
cutting off their supplies. Bahadur occupied the city of Ahmad¬ nagar and,
entrusting the siege of the fort to Ala-ud-din, moved to Daulatabad. Burhan’s
position became critical and he had no alter¬ native but to sue for peace. On
the other hand, Bahadur's policy of aggrandizement in the Deccan had caused
grave concern to his allies who no longer wanted to act in concert with him. On
his side, the latter, too, was anxious for his own safety lest he should be cut
off from his country in the ensuing monsoon. Cessation of war thus be¬ came the
prime consideration of both the parties and a peace was therefore effected.
Burhan caused the khutba to be read in the name of Bahadur and returned the
elephants seized from Muhammad I during the war but did not fulfil his promise
in respect of restora¬ tion of Mahur and Pathri to Berar.98
Ala-ud-dm
died in 1530 and was succeeded by his eldest son Darya ‘Imad Shah.
Darya Tmad Shah (1530-62)
During
the reign of Darya ‘Imad Shah the kingdom enjoyed peace and tranquillity. In
the wars between Bijapur and Ahmad nagar, he sided once with Bijapur but
helped Ahmadnagar on three occasions, once in 1543 and twice during the reign
of Husain Nizam Shah I.
After
his death in 1562 his infant son Burhan succeeded him to the throne.
Burhan ‘Imad Shah and Tufal Khan
Burhan
‘Imad Shah’s minister, Tufal Khan, a man of high ambi¬ tion and of
extraordinary courage, became regent. He confined the king in the fort of
Narnala and seized the reins of government in his own hands.
As
he had reasonable cause of resentment against Husain Nizam Shah I for the cruel
murder of Jahangir Khan, he not only held aloof from the confederacy formed by
the four Deccani Muslim powers against Vijayanagara, but also carried on
depredations in the Nizam Shahl kingdom. ‘Adil Shah and Nizam Shah were highly
incensed at these and they invaded Berar. It was impossible for Tuflal to fight
against such heavy odds and he managed to purchase peace from ‘Adil Shah in
secret on payment of a heavy sum of money and fifty elephants (1566). Finding
himself deserted by ‘Adil Shah, Nizam Shah also retired.
Although
Tufal saved himself from this crisis, other serious dan¬ gers awaited him. A
treaty was concluded between Murtaza I and ‘All Adil Shah I, defining their
sphere of aggrandizement. The former was allowed to annex Berar and Bldar, and
the latter to “con¬ quer as much of the Carnatic as would produce a revenue
equal to Berar and Bldar.”98a Then followed their activities. As a pretext for
invasion of Berar, Tufal was asked to re-instate his sovereign in his position,
but when this was not complied with, Murtaza I in¬ vaded Berar. Unable to check
his advance, Tufal allowed Ellichpur to be occupied by his enemies and fled
from place to place. Leaving Berar, he tried in vain to take shelter in
Khandesh and ultimately took refuge with Burhan ‘Imad Shah in the hill-fort of
Narnala, while his son went to Gawilgarh.
Due
to its natural position, the fort of Narnala was favourable for defence, and
here Tufal repulsed the attacks of his enemies with great valour, but was
troubled by paucity of provisions. On the other hand, Murtaza, too, got tired
of the protracted siege, and un¬ able to occupy the fort by arms, he took the
golden means of seduc¬ ing the garrison. This produced its desired effect.
Finding it im¬ possible to defend any longer, Tufal fled into the neighbouring
hills but was soon captured. Thus fell Narnala (April, 1574), and shortly after
this, Tufal’s son surrendered Gawilgarh. Burhan ‘Imad Shah along with the
usurper Tufal Khan and his son Shamshir-ul-Mulk were taken to Ahmadnagar and
confined in a fortress where all of them subsequently died. It is said that
their death was caused either by the Sultan’s order or cruel treatment in the
prison.
Thus
disappeared Berar as an independent State from the map of the Deccan.
V. THE BARID-SHAHI DYNASTY OF BIDAR
Mahmud
Shah Bahmani, who reigned from 1842 to 1518, was un¬ fit to hold the sceptre
during that troublesome period. He could not cope with the situation, and
disorder and confusion increased on all sides. The real power passed into the
hands of Qasim Band, his prime minister, who had risen to that high position by
dint of his extraordinary abilities. Originally, he was a Turk, domiciled in
Georgia. He came to the Bahmani kingdom in his early boyhood and then entered
the service of Muhammad Shah III. By and by, he rose to positions of
distinction till he became prime minister, ex¬ ercising regal power, in fact,
though not in name.
Qasim
Barid died in 1504, and was succeeded as prime minister by his son Amir Barid,
who, too, like his father, wielded uncontrolled sway in the kingdom. Mahmud
Shah died in 1518, and was succeeded by four sultans, one after another, but
all of them were mere tools in the hands of Amir Barid. Kalimullah, the last of
them, tried in vain to regain his power with the help of Babur. At last, he
fled to Bijapur and thence to Ahmadnagar; he breathed his last in 1538, but with
his flight from Bidar in 1528 Amir Barid became practically independent,
although he never formally asserted his independence nor assumed the title of
“Shah”.
Amir
Barid was very cunning, and hence he was known as Robah-i-Deccan or the Fox of
the Deccan." He knew well how to play one party against the other, but
such cunning brought him dis¬ grace also and he had to suffer humiliation at
the hands of Isma‘il ‘Adil Khan against whom he had plotted. Apart from
political diffe¬ rences, the two had religious differences as well; Isma‘Il
‘Adil Khan was a Shiah, whereas Amir Barid was a bigoted Sunni. The former was
highly incensed when, in 1529, it was reported to him that Amir Barid had
attempted to incite a part of his soldiery against him, and observed, “it was
contrary to wisdom to treat the wolf with gentle¬ ness, or the snake with
kindness.”100 At his request, when Burhan Nizam Shah promised to remain
neutral, Isma‘fl ‘Adil Khan started against Amir Barid. The fort of Bidar was
besieged, and Amir Band, who was then old, withdrew to the fortress of
Udgir, leaving the defence of Bidar to his eldest son ‘All Band. However, Amir
Band’s position became very perilous, and, in spite of the assistance of
Golconda and intercession of Ala-ud-dln ‘Imad Shah, he was un¬ able to save his
own position. Isma‘11 was not willing to accept any terms short of complete
surrender of Bidar. On hearing of it, Amir Barld came out of Udgir to entreat
‘Imad Shah once more to effect a peace, but when this was not possible, he went
back to his camp close to that of the former and “to drown his cares he gave
himself up to pleasures.”100*1 Asad Khan, the general of Isma‘11, took him by
surprise while he was in a drunken and senseless condition and carried him away
to his master who gave order for his execution. On the earnest entreaty of Amir
Barld, ‘Adil Khan agreed to spare his life on condition of surrender of the
fortress of Bidar, but as his son refused to give it up, Isma‘11 ordered that
he (Amir Barld) should be trampled to death by a furious elephant. Finding no
alternative, his son evacuated the fort and retired to Udgir, with as many
jewels of the BahmanI Sultans as was possible to carry in concealment. Thus
‘Adil Khan got possession of Bidar.101
Amir
Barld was made a peer of Bijapur, and after his assist¬ ance to Isma‘11 ‘Adil
Khan in taking possession of Raichur and Mudgal (1530), Bidar was restored to
him on condition of cession of Kalyani and Qandahar to Bijapur. But as he did
not keep his promise Isma‘Il set out with his army to occupy them, and,
although Burhan I came to the aid of Amir Barld, both of them sustained a
severe defeat near Naldurg.
Not
long after, Amir Barld was reconciled to Isma‘11 ‘Adil Khan whom he helped in
his struggle against Golconda. But he again severed his connection with Bijapur
and joined Ahmadnagar. While he and Burhan Nizam Shah I, were retreating
towards Daulatabad closely pursued by the armies of Bijapur and Berar, he
suddenly expired (1542).
Amir
Barld was succeeded by his son ‘All Barld, who ruled till 1580. Among the
rulers of Bidar he was the first to assume the title of “Shah”. His relations
with the other Deccani powers have mostly been described in the history of
Ahmadnagar. In 1564, he join¬ ed the confederacy of the Muslim States of Ahmadnagar,
Bijapur and Golconda against Vijayanagara and took part in defeating the latter
in the famous battle (popularly known as the battle of Tali kota) fought at
Rakshasi-Tangadi (January, 1565).
He
was a man of culture and fond of poetry and calligraphy and his tomb at Bidar
and Rangin Mahal (“painted palace”) built by him bear testimony to his fine
taste for architecture.101a
On
the death of ‘All Band his son Ibrahim Band Shah ascend¬ ed the throne and
reigned till 1587. He was succeeded by his younger brother Qasim Band Shah II.
After the battle of Rakshasi Tangadi, the strength of Bijapur, Ahmadnagar and
Golconda in¬ creased so much that it was not possible for a small kingdom like
Bldar to cope with them and naturally it gradually dwindled in ex¬ tent. Qasim
Barid II died in 1591 and was succeeded by his infant son, but one of his
relatives named Amir Barid dethroned him and became king under the title of
Amir Barid II. After a reign of about ten years he, too, was expelled by one of
his relatives—Mirza ‘Ali Barid (1601). He reigned till 1609 and was succeeded
by Amir Barid Shah III, the last Sultan of Bidar. He joined the confederacy of
the Deccani powers, viz., Ahmadnagar, Bijapur and Golconda, organized by Malik
‘Ambar and fought with them against the Mughuls (1616).
As
his relation with Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah II was far from cor¬ dial, the latter
invaded Bldar, and after defeating him, annexed it to Bijapur (1619). He and
his sons were brought to Bijapur and kept “under surveillance.”10113
VI. THE QTJTB-SHAH1 DYNASTY OF GOLCONDA
Sultan
Quli Qutb-ul-Mulk,102 who laid the foundation of a sepa¬ rate dynasty of rulers
in Golconda, belonged to a Turki family and was born at Hamadan in Persia. He
came to the Deccan in his youth during the reign of the BahmanI Sultan,
Muhammad Shah III, and started his career as a body-guard of this monarch. By
his extraordinary courage, skill, and sagacity, he rose from one posi¬ tion to
another till he became the Governor of Telingana, the eastern province of the
BahmanI kingdom. He had also received the lofty title of Qutb-ul-Mulk.103
When
the weakness of the BahmanI government encouraged different provincial
governors to become autonomous within their jurisdictions, Sultan Quli also
took advantage of the situation and assumed a similar position on the death of
Mahmud Shah BahmanI in 1518. He never assumed the title of “Shah” or the royal
dignity. Neither the assertion of Firishta that he declared independence in
1512 nor the view of some modern historians that he severed his con¬ nection
with the BahmanI kingdom and became independent in 1518 is tenable. The
decipherment of the inscription of the Jami ‘Masjid at Golconda, built by
Sultan Quli, commemoration tablet of which bears the date 924 A.H. or A.D.
1518, proves that the ruling monarch was then Mahmud Shah BahmanI and not
Sultan Quli, but it does not go to prove in any way that he asserted his
independence some time that year on the demise of that monarch. On the
contrary, available evidences show that he never assumed the royal title.104
During
the long period of his rule, he devoted most of his ener¬ gies in extending the
frontiers of his kingdom. On the north, he took possession of the district of
Haft Tappa from Berar, and, on the south, he conquered various places one after
another including Rajconda, Devarconda, Ganpura, Kovelaconda, and Pangal.
He
tried his utmost to bring as much of the Telugu-speaking country as possible in
his possession and continued his campaigns one after another. He defeated
Shitab Khan (i.e., Sitapati) of Bhogikula and captured Bellamconda, Indraconda,
Kambhammet and Warangal, etc., and it was not possible for Shitab Khan to check
his advance, as the power of Shitab’s ally, Gajapati Prataparudra, the king of
Orissa, on whom he depended, had been greatly weak¬ ened by his recent
discomfiture at the hands of Krishnadevaraya of Vijayanagara. Sultan Qull then
occupied Kondapalli, Ellore, and Rajahmundry belonging to the Gajapati, and
compelled him, by a treaty, to give up his territories between the mouths of
the Krishna and the Godavari. Next, he laid siege to the fortress of Kondavidu
belonging to Vijayanagara, but here he ultimately sustained a serious
defeat.
Sultan
Qull had troubles with Bijapur and Bldar whose rulers made a joint effort to
take the fortress of Kovelaconda, but their plan was upset by the sudden death
of IsmaTl ‘Adil Khan (1534). Sultan Qull retaliated on Bldar by carrying on
depredations in it and besieging Kohir. It was at last agreed that this
fortress should be ceded to him.
Sultan
Qull lived till the age of ninety-eight when he was assassinated at the
instigation of his second surviving son Jamshid (September, 1543).105
Sultan
Qull was not only a skilful general and a strategist, but also an efficient
ruler who established law and order in his country. He was a great builder as
well. The Golconda fort was, to a large extent, built by him and the city was
beautified with mosques, palaces and gardens. Jami ‘Masjid, a very beautiful
structure, out¬ side the fort, was erected by him.
He
was a devout and God-fearing man and belonged to the Shiah creed which was
established as the State religion.
Jamshid Quth Khan (1543-1550)
Sultan
Qull was succeeded by his son Jamshid, who caused his elder brother Qutb-ud-din
to be blinded and plotted to seize his younger brother Ibrahim, who, coming to
know of his brother s in¬ tention, fled to Bidar for protection and assistance.
He was cor¬ dially received by ‘All Barld Shah who championed his cause and
proceeded with the Prince against Jamshid. They marched trium¬ phantly to the
very gates of the fort of Golconda which was be¬ sieged. At this juncture,
Jamshid sought the assistance of Burhan Nizam Shah I, who immediately sent an
army to Golconda. Un¬ able to oppose these combined forces, ‘All Barld
retreated towards Bijapur, but on the way, as he attempted to seize the
properties of Ibrahim, the latter left him and retired to Vijayanagara where he
was cordially received and given a jaglr. He remained there for seven
years.
Jamshid
possessed great tact and foresight, and was an astute diplomat. When he came to
the throne, it was Burhan I only who offered his congratulation by sending his
envoy Shah Tahir, and there was practically no Deccani power whom he could
count as his ally, but he soon changed his position. As has been related in the
history of Burhan Nizam Shah I, he became a party to the quad¬ ruple alliance
(1543) and joined Ahmadnagar against Bijapur. But it was in 1548 that he gained
a very advantageous position and raised the prestige of Golconda above all
other Deccani kingdoms. Both Bijapur and Ahmadnagar were then in earnest to win
his sup¬ port, and ‘All Barld, who had been imprisoned by Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah I,
also made entreaties to him, to secure his release. The posi¬ tion of Jamshid
was thus almost similar to that of an arbiter in the Deccan. He then exhibited
his greatest tact and diplomacy. In¬ stead of incurring the displeasure of any
party, he maintained his neutrality, and, at the same time, won over ‘All Barld
by securing his release and placing him back on his throne.
After
these, he returned to his capital, but was attacked with cancer and, after
suffering for about two years, died in 1550.
His
minor son, Subhan Qull, was then raised to the throne but he had soon to make
room for his uncle Ibrahim, who came from Vijayanagara, deposed him, and
ascended the throne.
Ibrahim Qutb Shah (1550-1580)
Ibrahim
Qutb Shah received the support of all sections of the people and established
law and order in the kingdom. As has been mentioned above, he was the first
Sultan of the Qutb-Shahi dynasty to assume the title of “Shah”.
His
inter-state relationship, including the part he played in con¬ nection with the
battle of Talikota, has been described at length in the history of
Ahmadnagar.
Continuing
the policy of Sultan Quli, he carried on conquests in the Telugu-speaking
areas, and invaded the kingdom of Vijayanagara. The famous temple of Narasimha
at Ahobalam was sacked by his commander, Murhari Rao, a Maratha Brahmin (1579),
who also in¬ vaded Udayagiri, Vinukonda and Kondavidu. There is no doubt that
as a result of these invasions Ibrahim gained possession of consider¬ able
territories from Vijayanagara.106
The
Sultan also devoted much time and energy for the consoli¬ dation of his
kingdom. All rebellions and lawlessness were sup¬ pressed wtih a stern hand.
Telingana was full of highway robbers and thieves, and travelling was fraught
with great risks, but it was to his credit that he cleared the roads from the
oppression of these marauders.
Jagdeva
Rao Naikwari, the prime minister, made a conspiracy to depose him and place his
brother Daulat Quli on the throne. The Sultan executed one of the accomplices
of Jagdeva, who, being afraid of his own safety, fled to Berar, but there, too,
when his manners became overbearing, he was ordered to quit immediately, and,
this he did, but came back to the Qutb Shah! territory. Being defeated here, he
finally left for Vijayanagara.
There
was a revolt of the Naikwaris under the leadership of Suria Rao, the commandant
of the Naikwaris in the fort of Gol conda, but this rising was suppressed with
a strong hand and Suria Rao and other Naikwaris of this fort were
executed.
Not
only did Ibrahim establish peace and security in his king¬ dom but also made it
prosperous. Trade and commerce increased enormously. “Telingana, like Egypt,
became the mart of the whole world. Merchants from Toorkistan, Arabia and
Persia, resorted to it; and they met with such encouragement that they found in
it in¬ ducements to return frequently.”107
Ibrahim
was a great patron of art and architecture and erected several beautiful
buildings. The fortifications of Golconda were extended and strengthened, and
the city was beautified with gar¬ dens, hammams, wide streets, and shops of
various kinds. He esta¬ blished alms-house (or the Lungur), numerous colleges,
one dam at Budwal and two tanks, one at Ibrahimpattam and the other called
Husain Sagar. He constructed also a strong bridge, 600 feet long and 36 feet
wide, on the Musi, originally called Narva, known later on as “Purana Pul” or
“old bridge”. It was supported by twenty two pointed arches.108
This
reign saw the beginning of Dakhani Urdu poetry at Gol conda, and four poets
viz., Mulla Khiyali, Mahmud, Firuz and Ahmad composed their poems in this language.
Of
all his actions, Ibrahim is remembered by the Hindus of Telingana specially for
his patronage of Telugu literature. Many Telugu poets like Addanki Gangadhar
Kavi, Pannaganti Telega narya, and Kandukuri Rudra Kavi flourished in his
court. Addanki Gangadhar Kavi, the most well-known of them, composed an elegant
poem Tapatisama-Varanamu Upakhyanamu and dedicated it to the Sultan, who is
called Malkibharam in Telugu literature. Among other things it gives accounts
of the conquests of Sultan Qull and those of Ibrahim in the Telugu areas. The
poet says that many learned men well-versed in Hindu scriptures adorned the
court of this Sultan. He was very liberal in his rewards to the Telugu poets
and tried his best to encourage them. Amir Khan, a Qutb Shah! officer of high
rank, was also a patron of Telugu literature.
Though
Ibrahim took a prominent part in bringing about the fall of the Hindu kingdom
of Vijayanagara, his treatments of his Hindu subjects, specially his patronage
of their literature and their appointment to high posts, show that he tried to
gain the goodwill and sympathy of the bulk of his population—the most essential
re¬ quisites of a stable government.109
He
died in 1580 at the age of fifty and was succeeded by his son Muhammad Qull
Qutb Shah.
Muhammad Quit Qutb Shah (1580-1612)
Muhammad
Qull Qutb Shah inherited a peaceful and prospe¬ rous kingdom, which enjoyed
peace and happiness during his reign. In 1586, an alliance was formed with
Bijapur by the marriage of the Sultan’s sister, Malika Zaman, with Ibrahim
‘Adil Shah II, and thus, an attempt was made to establish a feeling of
cordiality between the two kingdoms.
As
the walled city of Golconda became congested and un¬ healthy, and there was
scarcity of water in it, shifting of the capital appeared to be a necessity,
and in 1590, the plan for the construc¬ tion of the new capital at Hyderabad,
on the river Musi, was ready for execution. Muhammad Qull tried his utmost to
make the city as grand as possible. It was embellished with fine palaces,
gardens, and baths, and proper arrangements were made for supply of water
in all its parts. Two stately edifices, viz., the Jdmi9 Mosque and the majestic
Chahar Minar or ‘four minarets’—“a square building of four broad and very lofty
open arches, with four minarets 220 feet high at each corner” were built in the
centre of the city, add¬ ing to the grandeur and beauty of the capital.
Besides, hospitals and colleges were also established for the benefit of the
people.110
Venkata
II, the king of Vijayanagara, tried to recover the Kondavidu areas, but
Muhammad Qull proceeded with a big army and defeated him. The Sultan occupied
Kurnool, Nandial, Gandi kota and Cuddapa and laid siege to Penukonda. Venkata
II was forced to sue for peace, and although there was a temporary respite, the
war was soon renewed. Muhammad Quli again laid siege to Penukonda, but scarcity
of provisions in his camp and apprehension of inundation of the Krishna due to
approach of the monsoon which would cut off his retreat, compelled him to raise
the siege and retire to his capital, after making necessary arrangements for
protection and administration of the newly conquered areas. But Venkata II soon
started the offensive and laid siege to Gandikota, which, in spite of the
utmost efforts of the Qutb ShahJi forces, could not be saved. Although the
Vijayanagara army recovered some other forts also, the Kondavidu areas remained
in possession of the Sultan of Golconda, but Qutb Shah was forced to recognize
the Krishna as the boundary between the two kingdoms.
During
the reign of this Sultan, Shah Abbas, the Safavi King of Persia (1587-1629)
sent Aghuzlu Sultan, one of his relatives, in 1603, on an embassy to Muhammad
Qull, with valuable presents of
jewels,
carpets and horses etc., and on his arrival at Golconda, the ambassador was
accorded a grand reception. He stayed at Hydera¬ bad for six years and then
returned to Persia with suitable presents for the Shah. The principal object of
the embassy, as has been re¬ lated, was to put the proposal of marriage of one
of the sons of the Shah with Hayat Baksh Begam, the Sultan’s daughter, but the
mis¬ sion was not successful.1103
In
1609, a conspiracy was made to dethrone Muhammad Quli and place his brother
Muhammad Khudabanda on the throne, but the Sultan seized the ringleaders before
they could create any mischief. They, along with Khudabanda, were imprisoned in
the fort of Gol conda where the Prince died in 1611.
In
this year, the English East India company established a fac¬ tory at
Masulipatam, an important port in the Qutb Shahx kingdom.
As
Pratap Shah, the Raja of Bastar, revolted, the Sultan sent an army against him.
Being defeated, the Raja fled to an impregnable fortress in the forest, and in
spite of reinforcements, the Qutb Shah! army could not force him to surrender,
and a sudden heavy rain¬ fall, spoiling a great part of the gunpowder, and want
of provisions, compelled them to retreat. It was with great difficulty that
they returned to Golconda.
The
Sultan died in 1612, after an illness of two days only. Mu¬ hammad Quli Qutb
Shah has left to posterity a great name for town planning and architecture. The
foundation of Hyderabad and con¬ struction of fine buildings, gardens and baths
etc., with which his new capital was embellished, show his excellent taste as a
builder, and he spent a big amount every year for the construction of public
buildings. Of the palaces erected by him, special mention may be made of
Chandan Mahal, Hira Mahal and Nadi Mahal.
Pie
was a man of charitable disposition and a lover of justice. A sum of sixty
thousand hurts or two lakhs and forty thousand rupees was distributed to the
poor every year.
‘‘Intelligent
and learned,. . . .and of literary bent of mind, Mu¬ hammad Quli kept company
with the learned.,,110b He established several khankas and madrasas at
Hyderabad and gave rewards libe¬ rally to distinguished literary men. “It is
related, that out of four lacs of hurts secured as revenue collection from the
city, a large and a greater portion was disbursed in rewarding the Saiyids and
Ule¬ mas and supplying them with two free meals per day.”111
Muhammad Qutb Shah (1612-1626)
As
Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah left no son, his nephew Mu¬ hammad Qutb Shah, son of
Mlrza Muhammad Amlin, succeeded him to the throne. He was also the son-in-law
of the late Sultan, whose daughter Hayat Baksh Begam he had married.
He
joined the confederacy of the Deccani powers against the Mughuls and tried to
put a stop to Mughul aggression in the south. Although prior to/ the battle of
Bhatvadi, Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah II join¬ ed the Mughuls with a view to
strengthening his position against ‘Ambar, Muhammad Qutb Shah did not forget
the interests of the Deccan, and fully aware of the strength of the Mughuls and
the Bijapurls, he formed a defensive and offensive alliance with ‘Ambar. He
remained firm to Ahmadnagar and fought on its side in the battle of Bhatvadi
(1624).
But
he was more inclined towards the pen than the sword. He had received proper
education in his young age and was fond of the association of the learned. He
was well acquainted with various arts and sciences and could write both in
prose and verse. Among his writings were ghazl, tarkib band and rubaiya; “his
pen name was Zil-ul-lah (the shadow of God)”.112 It was in the fifth year of
his reign that the Tdrlkh-i-Muhammad Qutb Shah, the well-known history of the
Sultans of Golconda, was completed.
To
add to the beauty and grandeur of the capital city, he erected buildings and
laid out gardens.
He
died in 1626, and was succeeded by his son ‘Abdullah Qutb Shah, at the age of
twelve.
‘Abdullah Qutb Shah (1626-1672)
During
‘Abdullah’s long reign of forty-six years, the kingdom had to face serious
problems, but he was quite incapable of wielding the sceptre at such a critical
time. He was indolent, and sensual,1123 and the administration was practically
run by his mother Hayat Baksh Begam till her death in February, 1667, and then
by Sayyid Ahmad, his (‘Abdullah’s) eldest son-in-law. “The clever diplomacy of
these two had for half a century saved the Qutb Shahi State from being annexed
by the Mughuls.”112b
After
his accession to the throne, Shah Jahan, who was well acquainted with the
Deccan politics, made up his mind to press for¬ ward his policy of annexation
there. The first victim was Ahmad nagar which was incorporated in his empire in
1633. Next, he turn¬ ed towards Golconda, and ‘Abdullah, in terror, accepted the
terms dictated by the Mughul Emperor. He acknowledged the Mughul suzerainty and
agreed to pay an annual tribute of eight lakhs of rupees (1636).
Thus
barred in the north, Golconda engaged in a career of aggrandizement in the
Carnatic and the conditions there were very favourable. Shorn of all its past
glory and strength, the kingdom of Vijayanagara was confined to a small area.
‘Abdullah sent an army against it in April, 1642, and captured some of its
territories, Venkata III, the reigning king, having fled to the forests.
Golconda made repeated attacks on the tottering Hindu kingdom, and, in this
work, Mir Jumla, the prime minister of ‘Abdullah, played an im¬ portant
role.
Muhammad
Sayyid, who is known as Mir Jumla, came to Gol¬ conda as an adventurer from
Ardistan in Persia. He was a man of wonderful talents, and, making the best use
of his opportunities, he made his mark as a diamond merchant and rose to power
and wealth. His extraordinary abilities attracted the attention of ‘Abdullah
who made him his Wazir. He proved his efficiency both in civil and mili¬ tary
administrations and wielded great influence in the kingdom, but it was in the
Carnatic that he showed his real mettle by his military exploits which enhanced
the territories of Golconda and made him fabulously rich. Both the Sultans of
Golconda and Bijapur were active in devouring the dilapidated kingdom of
Vijayanagara. Mir Jumla wrested parts of Neilore and Cuddapa and occupied the
terri¬ tories on the eastern coast up to Pulicat. He penetrated further south
and proceeded as far as Vellore, where he met Mustafa Khan, the ‘Adil Shah!
general, and arrived at a settlement with Bijapur, defining their respective
spheres of aggrandizement in the Carnatic.
By
plundering Hindu temples and searching out hidden trea¬ sures, Mir Jumla
accumulated a vast fortune, and according to The venot,112c he had twenty
maunds of diamonds in his possession. His jagir in Carnatic was like a kingdom,
three hundred miles in length and fifty miles in breadth, with an annual
revenue of forty lakhs of rupees, and it contained several valuable diamond
mines. He had under his command 5,000 cavalry, 20,000 infantry, and an
excellent park of artillery. He was almost like an independent ruler and ab¬
sented himself from the court of Golconda. Alarmed at the growing power of the
Wazir, the Sultan attempted to bring him under his control, but Mir Jumla
entered into intrigues with Bijapur and Persia.
Aurangzib,
who was then Mughul viceroy of the Deccan and eager to conquer Golconda, wanted
to win him over to his side with a view to utilizing his services in the
projected invasion. The wealth of Golconda, prevalence of Shiahism among its
inhabitants, frequent arrears in payment of its annual tribute, and above all,
the imperia¬ listic policy urged Aurangzib to pursue an offensive action. He
open¬ ed negotiations with Mir Jumla, when an incident furnished the cause of
immediate military operations, so desired. Muhammad Amfn, son of Mir Jumla, who
had been his father’s deputy at the court of Golconda, was arrested and
imprisoned with his family for his in¬ solent behaviour to the Sultan
(1655).
Aurangzilb
utilized the situation to his advantage and obtained orders from his father
directing ‘Abdullah Qutb Shah to release Mir Jumla’s family, and in case of his
non-compliance, to invade Gol¬ conda. Without allowing a reasonable time to
Qutb Shah, Aurang¬ zib sent his eldest son Muhammad Sultan against him (1656).
All efforts of the Sultan to prevent hostility was nullified by him, as he was bent
upon crushing this kingdom.113 Hyderabad was attacked and occupied, and the
Mughul soldiery plundered it. Aurangzlb him¬ self arrived there and besieged
the fort of Golconda where the Sultan had retired.
But
Golconda was saved this time by the intervention of Dara Shukoh and Jahanara
whom ‘Abdullah’s agent at Delhi convinced of Aurangzlb’s most unjust and
unwarranted attack on it. On re¬ ceipt of his father’s direction, Aurangzlb was
compelled to raise the siege (1656). The Sultan of Golconda promised to pay a
consider¬ able war indemnity, and arrears of tribute which amounted to one
crore of rupees, and surrender the district of Ramgir (modern Manikdurg and
Chinoor). He had also to give his second daughter in marriage to Muhammad
Sultan and promise in secret to make him his heir. Mir Jumla, who had already
joined the imperialists, was appointed prime minister.
After
this, the affairs in the Qutb Shahl State went from bad to worse. ‘Abdullah,
who had narrowly escaped death at the hands of his enemies in 1656, was so
frightened that he never afterwards ap¬ peared in public even to administer
justice, and spent his time in frivolous sensuality, the natural consequences
of which were mis¬ rule and confusion in the kingdom. Even his own family was
not free from discord and unrest.113a Amidst these, he breathed his last in
1672.
Abu-l Hasan Qutb Shah (1672-1687)
‘Abdullah
had no male issue but three daughters only, the eldest of whom had been married
to Sayyid Ahmad, who became prime minister and virtual ruler of the kingdom;
the second daughter was married to Muhammad Sultan, and the third to Abu’l
Hasan, who, on his father’s side, was a descendant of the Qutb Shahl family. On
the death of ‘Abdullah, there was a contest between the first and third
sons-in-law for the throne in which Sayyid Ahmad was defeat¬ ed and imprisoned,
and Abu-’l Hasan elevated to the throne.114
Sayyid
Muzaffar, a leading general, who had taken the most important role in the
overthrow of Sayyid Ahmad, became prime minister, but he concentrated all power
in his own hands, and the king became a nominal figure-head. Abu-’l Hasan could
not long reconcile himself to this lot, and with the help of Madanna, “the
Brah¬ man factotum of Muzaffar,” he deprived the latter of the premier¬ ship.
Madanna was raised to his master’s place and conferred the title of Surya
Prakash Rao, while his brother Akkanna was appointed commander-in-chief. But
the Sultan did not gain by this change of premiership and the power exercised
by Muzaffar passed into the hands of Madanna. The king led a dissipated life
and disorders and oppressions were rampant. “With a grasping and suspicious
para¬ mount Power, a sensual king, a venal aristocracy, and an ignorant and
timid people, the reform of the kingdom was hopeless,”115 and its fate was
sealed.
Aurangzfb’s
long-cherished desire of annexing Golconda had not yet been fulfilled, and he
therefore turned towards giving effect to his ambition. Grounds for invasion
were not wanting. The Sultan was leading a dissolute life, leaving the
administration of the kingdom in the hands of the infidels, Madanna and his
brother Akkanna. “In 1677 he had given Shivaji a more than royal wel¬ come on
his visit to Hyderabad and promised him a regular subsidy of one lakh of hurts
for the defence of Golconda. After Shivajis death the alliance had been renewed
with his successor and the sub¬ sidy continued.”116 On his part Shivaji
consented to pay to Qutb Shah an annual tribute of six lakhs of hurts. Such
“fraternizing with infidels” was the worst offence of Abu-’l Hasan.117 In 1685
he had also acted against the Mughuls by sending military assistance to Bijapur
against them, and lastly, the war indemnity promised in 1656 and the annual
tribute of eight lakhs of rupees, according to the terms of the treaty in 1636,
were long in arrears.
Open
rupture occurred as a result of interception of a letter of Abu-’l Hasan to his
agent in which he had accused the emperor of attacking Sikandar ‘Adil Shah and
promised to send an army of 40,000 men to his assistance. Enraged at this,
Aurangzib sent hiis son Shah ‘Alam against Hyderabad (1685) and although, at
the out¬ set, he could not make much headway, the seduction and consequent
defection of Mir Muhammad Ibrahim, the commander-in-chief of Gol¬ conda,
largely decided the fate of the campaign. The resistance fell through and the
Mughuls proceeded to Hyderabad. No defence of the city was organized and the
Sultan fled to the fortress of Golconda.
The
Mughul army occupied Hyderabad and carried on extensive plunder there.118
Placed in such a critical position, Abu-’l Hasan made repeated entreaties for
peace, which was at last concluded but did not last long.
One
of the conditions of the peace was that Madanna and Akkanna should be
dismissed, but the Sultan having put off the matter, the discontented Muslim
nobles and two widows of the late king formed a plot and caused their assassination
in the streets of Golconda (March, 1686).119
After
the fall of Bijapur in September, 1686, Aurangzlb was free to concentrate his
attention on the Qutb.Shahl kingdom, and, in February, 1687, he reached the
outskirts of the fort of Golconda. In the meantime, Abu-’l Hasan had again
taken shelter in this fort and the Mughuls took possession of Hyderabad for the
third time. The regular siege of Golconda lasted for seven months and a half.
The fort had sufficient stocks of food and ammunition to stand a long siege,
and the garrison fought with great valour and successfully resisted all efforts
of Aurangzlb to capture it. Despite sufferings due to heavy rains, famine,
pestilence and incessant attacks of the ene¬ mies, he tried all possible means
with grim determination to paralyze the defence, but they proved futile. At
last, gold wrought wonders120 and ‘Abdullah Pani, surnamed Sardar Khan, a high
officer of the fort, was seduced. He treacherously opened the postern gate of
the fort, thus allowing the enemies to enter into it and overpower the
defenders.
By way of contrast to this traitor shines forth an instance of undaunted heroism and noble self-sacrifice, rare in the annals of any country; ‘Abd-ur Razzaq Lari, surnamed Mustafa Khan, a devoted and faithful noble, spurned all tempting offers of Aurangzlb and fought valiantly till he was seriously wounded.
Thus
was Golconda captured by Aurangzlb (1687) and Abu-’l Hasan made a captive. The
latter was sent as a State prisoner to the fort of Daulatabad for the rest of
his life on a pension of Rs. 50,000 a year, and the kingdom annexed to the
Mughul Empire.
APPENDIX I
Notes on the chronology adopted in this Chapter
The
dates of some of the rulers given in this Chapter differ from those mentioned
in the Cambridge History of India (CHI), Vol. Ill, pp. 704 and 708, as shown in
the following list. The justification of the dates adopted in this Chapter, in
each case, is indicated below.
Serial
No.
Name of the ruler Date in CHI Date in this Chapter
I.
Murtaza Nizam Shah I 1565—1586 1565—1588 II. Murtaza Nizam Shah II 1603—1630
1600—1630 III. Mallu ‘Adil Shah 1534 1534 1534—1535 IV. Ibrahlim ‘Adil Shah I
1534 1558 1535—1557 V. Muhammad ‘Adil Shah 1627—1657 1627—1656 VI. ‘Ala-ud-din
Tmad Shah 1504—1529 1504—1530
I.
The date given in CHI. Ill, p. 461, of the ruler’s death is 1588, and this
agrees with the date of Firishta.
II.
According to CHI. Ill, the fall of Ahmadnagar and the ac¬ cession of Murtaza
both took place in A.D. 1603. The date 1600 for the fall of Ahmadnagar is
supported by Akbar-nama (Translation of Beveridge, Vol. Ill, p. 1159 footnote).
On p. 148 of CHI. IV it is clearly stated that Murtaza was on the throne in
January, 1602.
III.
It is stated in CHI. Ill, p. 439, that Malta was deposed in March, 1535, and
this agrees with Firishta’s account.
IV.
The date 1557 is supported by Firishta (Cf. Briggs, III. 112).
V.
The date of the death of Muhammad ‘Adil Shah is given by Sir Jadunath Sarkar as
November, 1656 (Aurangzib, IV, 2nd Edi¬ tion, p. 155).
VI.
In CHI. Ill, p. 708 the date of the death of Ala-ud-dTn is given as A.H. 937
and it is equated with A.D. 1529. But the A.H. 937 really corresponds to the
period 25 August, 1530, to 14 August, 1531.
APPENDIX II
The
causes of the Grand Alliance of the Muslim States in the Deccan against
Vijayanagara which destroyed that empire require a little more elaboration.
According to Firishta, Ibrahim Qutb Shah of Golconda sent an envoy named
Mustafa Khan to Husain Nizam Shah of Ahmadnagar to induce him to join the
confederacy. The arguments advanced by the envoy may be summed up as follows in
the words of Firishta: The ruler of Vijayanagara, “who had re¬ duced all the
rajas of the Carnatic to his yoke, required to be check¬ ed and his influence
should be removed from the countries of Islam in order that their people might
repose in safety from the oppres¬ sions of unbelievers, and their mosques and
holy places no longer be subject to pollution from infidels.”121 This implies
that apart from the obvious and the generally accepted view that the object of
the confederacy was merely political, namely to destroy a power¬ ful Hindu
ruler in the neighbourhood, the sacrilege of Muslim holy places by the troops
of Vijayanagara was another cause. Prof. H. K. Sherwani probably voiced the
opinion of many when he dis¬ believed the statement of Firishta and observed:
“It is hardly thinkable that with the ‘Adil Shah as an ally and colleague there
should have been desecration of mosques.”122 But it is somewhat curious that in
the same article Sherwani gives a different opinion later. Describing the
second invasion of Ahmadnagar he writes: “It is related that the army of
Vijayanagara, led by Ramraj, again perpetrated every possible atrocity on the
people, laid waste the countryside and did not spare even mosques. Naturally,
it was not to the liking of ‘All ‘Adil Shah that crimes committed on the oc¬
casion of the first invasion of Ahmadnagar should be repeated and this time he
had allied with Ramraj on the express condition that mosques and other sacred
edifices should not be desecrated.” In his support Sherwani states in f.n. 26,
p. 263: “Fer. II, 127, Briggs,
III,
224, Basatin, 89, is quite explicit that it was ‘against the under¬ standing
with ‘Add Shah that Ramraj’s army caused such depreda¬ tions to mosques and
Qurans’ during his attacks on Ahmadnagar. This must have been one of the potent
causes of the eventual al¬ liances of the Deccani Sultans against
Vijayanagara.”123
It
is evident from the above that during the first invasion of Ahmadnagar the
Vijayanagara troops had desecrated mosques and Qur‘ans, otherwise such an
understanding would be entirely uncal¬ led for.
Sherwani
is, however, even more explicit while stating the im¬ mediate causes of the
Battle of Talikota. On p. 360 (JIH, XXXV) he writes: “No state had suffered
more than Ahmadnagar at the hands of the armies of the Southern Empire, for
they polluted the mosques and dishonoured women and put to fire and sword
every¬ thing and every person who came in their way. . . . Ramraj’s men who had
committed great outrages at Ahmadnagar, and omitted no mark of disrespect to
the religion of the faithful, singing and per¬ forming. .. .their worship in
every mosque.” Though Sherwani does not give any reference, the last passage is
from Firishta (Briggs, III, p. 122), and there is a similar account on the
preceding page. It is evident, therefore, that though Sherwani dismisses
Firishta’s account as exaggeration on p. 259, he accepts the same on p. 361
(JIH, XXXV).
The
historian is thus faced with two intriguing questions: (1) Did the troops of
Vijayanagara desecrate the mosques?
(2)
If so, can this be regarded as a ‘potent cause’ of the Muslim confederacy
against Vijayanagara?
As
regards the first, all that can be said is that though we have no conclusive
evidence to support it, it is not unlikely that the Hindu troops did retaliate,
on occasions, against the systematic sacrilege of the Hindu temples and images
of gods by Muslim troops and even kings.
As
regards the second, the answer must be in the negative, for it is unreasonable
to look for a hypothetical cause when we have obvious explanations for the
rivalry between Hindu and Muslim rulers. The view that the sacrilege of the
Hindu troops of Vijaya¬ nagara was the reason for the deliberate destruction of
the city of Vijayanagara by the Muslim rulers after their victory, is hardly
worth serious consideration and cannot be accepted as justification or even
excuse for acts of unparalleled vandalism of the Muslims, particularly as the
alleged grievance is not yet definitely proved.
1.
H. K. Sherwani, The Bahmanis of the Deccan, p. 394.
la.
For references see below footnote No. 104.
2.
G. Yazdani, Bidar, Its History and Monuments, p. 13.
Briggs
III, 497; the date of the death of Amir Barid given here is wrong but the date
in p. 92 (Briggs III) is correct.
3.
Zafar-ul-Walih, 170, quoted by H. K. Sherwani in his article “Independence of
Bahmani Governors” PIHC, 1945, p. 161.
3a.
Ibid., 161.
4.
Madsir-i-Rahimi, II, 526.
5.
Basatin-us-Salatin, 272.
6.
Haig: Historical Landmarks of the Deccan, 18, 101.
7.
Sarkar: History of Aurangzih, IV, 2.
8.
“Foreword” by Sir Jadunath Sarkar in J. N. Chowdhuri’s Malik Ambar. 9.
Tarikh-i-Firishta, Vol. II, 93; Chowdhuri, Malik Ambar, pp. 5-6. 10.
Tarikh-i-Firishta, II, 93.
11.
Briggs: Firishta, III, 206.
12.
Ibid., 207-209.
13.
Ibid., 214.
13a.
For details see below section on Berar.
14.
Briggs. Ill, 52, 216.
14a.
Ibid., pp. 52, 216-7. The complaint made by Isma‘Il about the treatment he
received at Ahmadnagar might have served as an additional cause of friction
between Bijapur and Ahmadnagar.
14b.
Cf. Chapter XIII, section on Gujarat.
15.
Briggs. Ill, 71.
16.
Sherwani, Telingana under Ibrahim Qutb Shah, JIH, XXXV, p. 42. 17.
Tarikh-i-Muhammad Qutb Shah, 113-115. Briggs, III, 382-84. 18. Briggs III,
387.
19.
Ibid., 387.
20.
Ibid., 387-388.
21.
Ibid., 238.
22.
Ibid., 397.
23.
Ibid., 118.
23a.
For a different version, see Sherwani, JIH, XXXV, p. 260 (Ed.). 24. Parenda is
situated about seventy-five miles south-east of Ahmadnagar. 25. Ausa is
situated about one hundred and thirty miles south-east of Ahmadnagar. 26.
Briggs, III, 241.
27.
Ibid., 408-409. Sherwani, JIH, XXXV, p. 265.
28.
Briggs, III, 125.
29.
Briggs, III, 123-125.
30.
Ibid., 126.
31.
JIH, XXXV, 374-375.
32.
Purchas His Pilgrims, X, 93: K.A.N. Sastri, A History of South India (2nd
edition), 284; Briggs, III, 130 footnote.
33.
Briggs, IH, 130.
34.
Robbert Sewell, A Forgotten Empire, pp. 206-208. The Portuguese historian
Faria-y-Souza says: “The Muhammadans spent five months in plundering
Vijayanagara.... In his share of the plunder, ‘Adil Shah got a diamond, as
large as an ordinary egg and another of extraordinary size, though smaller, together
with other jewels of inestimable value.” Commentaries of Alfonso Albuquerq,
Hakluyt Society, II, pp. CXII, CXIII.
34a.
For details see below p. 451.
35.
Chowdhuri, Malik Ambar, 8-9.
36.
Briggs, III, 257-259.
37.
Ibid., 269.
37a.
Some confusion may be caused by the fact that Briggs in one place mentions the
lady as Khadlia (III. 161) but in another place (III. 278) names her as Chand
Blbi. Khadlja became a widow only a short time ago and it is more likely that
Ibrahim wanted her back in Bijapur. This view is also taken in CHI. Ill, p.
461.
38.
Ibid., 284.
39.
Ibid, 287.
39a.
The name is written as Ahang Khan in CHI. Ill, p. 464 with a footnote that it
is also written as Abhang Khan. But the latter form is found in the Tazki
rat-ul-Mulk (Sarkar’s copy, pp. 511, 573) and the Futuhat-i-Adil Shahi (pp.
267a, 268a), both written in the first half of the seventeenth century
A.D.
40.
The Burhan-i-Maasir says that Bijapur sent thirty thousand cavalry and Qufb
Shah ten thousand cavalry and twenty thousand infantry to Ahmadnagar.
Burhan-i-Maasir, Sarkar’s MSS. Vol. Ill, 1475. These figures appear to be an
exaggeration.
41.
Madsir-i-Rahimi, II, 479-481; Tdrikh-i-Firishta II, 158-162; Burhan-i-Maasir,
Sarkar’s MSS, III, 1475, 1492; Beveridge, Akbarnama, III, 1028, 1045-1048,
1050. 41a. Briggs, III, 306-309, CHI, III, 465.
41b.
Akbamama of Shaikh Faizi Sirhindi, Elliot VI, 144; Akbamama of Abu-’l-Fazl tr.
by H. Beveridge, p. 1159.
42.
Maasir-i-Rahimi, Ii, 482, 484-495, 497-499. Beveridge, Akbamama, III, 1114,
1128-1129,1132,1142- 1144, 1157-1159; Tdrikh-i-Firishta, II, 162-164. 43.
Tazkirat-ul-Mulk, Sarkar’s MSS. 571-572; Futuhat-i-Adil Shahi, 267a-267b
(Sarkar’s copy); Maasir-ul-Umard III, 7.
44.
Tdrikh-i-Firishta, II, 165.
45.
Chowdhuri, Malik Ambar, 23-25; Tazkirat-ul-Mulk, 576-577; Tdrikh i-Firishta,
II, 164; Futuhat-i-Adil Shahi, 269b, 270a (Sarkar’s copy). 46.
Tdrikh-i-Firishta, II, 165; Beveridge, Akbamama, III, 1212; Ma’dsir-ul-Umard,
III, 7-8; Tazkirat-ul-Mulk, 574.
47.
Basatin-us-Salatin, 270; Tdrikh-i-Firishta, II, 166.
48.
Tazkirat-ul-Mulk, 576-578.
49.
Maasir-i-Rahimi, II, 511.
50.
Futuhat-i-Adil Shahi, 271a, translated by Sarkar.
51.
Chowdhuri, Malik Ambar, 52-53; Futuhat-i-Adil Shahi, 271a; Basatin-us Salatin,
263-264. 52. Tazkirat-ul-Mulk, 578-581; Futuhat-i-Adil Shahi, 271a, 271b;
Basdtin-us Saldtin, 263-265, 267. 53. Iqbalnama, 44-45; Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri,
pers. text (Syed Ahmad’s edition) 85-86,
88;
tr. (R and B, Vol. I), 178-179, 183; William Finch in Purchas His Pilgrims, IV,
39. Chowdhuri, Malik Ambar, 58.
54.
Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, pers. text 107-108; tr. (R and B, Vol. I) 219-21; Iqbalnama,
65-66; Maasiri-Rahimi, II, 520; Basatin-us-Salatin, 271-272.
55.
Chowdhuri, Malik Ambar, 70; Madsiri-i-Rahimi, II, 527. Later on, Khirki was
named Aurangabad, according to the name of Aurangzlb. 56. Tuzuk-i-Jahdngiri,
pers. text 153-154; tr. (Vol. I) 312-14; Iqbalnama, 84-87; Ma'dsir-i-Rahimi,
II, 523-531.
56a.
Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, tr. Vol. I, 338.
57.
Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, pers. text 188, tr. (Vol. I) 380; Iqbalnama, 100; Khafi Khan
I, 291.
58.
Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, pers. text 305, 321-322, 330-331 tr. (R and B, Vol. II) 155-
57, 188-90, 206-8; Iqbalnama, 175-176, 181-182; English, Factories in India (1618-
1621), 207 , 210-211,-217-218, 231, 240, 243, 249, 257 , 259, 287 , 296—for
disloca¬ tion of trade.
59.
Futuhat-i-Adil-Shahi, 287a, tr. by Sarkar.
60.
Tatimma-i-Tuzuk-i-Jahangir! (Printed in Syed Ahmad’s edition) 386, 391;
Iqbalnama 224, 234.
60a.
Chowdhuri, Malik Ahbar, p. 116.
61.
Futuhat-i-Adil-Shahi, 289a, 289b, 290b, 291a, 291b; Tatimma-i-Tuzuk-i-Jahan¬
gir!, 391-392; Iqbalnama, 234-237; Dilkasha, Sarkar’s MSS., 90-92. 62.
Tatimma-i-Tuzuk-i-Jahangir!, 392-393; Iqbalnama, 237-238.
63.
Chowdhuri, Malik Ambar, 163.
64.
Ahmadnagar Gazetteer, 395; 423-424.
65.
Tazkirat-ul-Mulk, 578; Futuhat-i-Adil-Shahi, 268a, 270b.
65a.
For details of the fall of Ahmadnagar, see above, pp. 207-8. 66. Briggs, III,
4-8.
66a.
See above, Vol. VI, pp. 304-05.
67.
Briggs, III, 22-29.
68.
P. M. Joshi: Relations between the Adil-Shahi Kingdom of Bijapur and the
Portuguese at Goa during the 16th century, NIA, II, (1939-40), 363. 69. Ibid.,
363; Briggs, III, 29-30; CHI. Ill, p. 434.
70.
Briggs, III, 30-31.
71.
Ibid., 46-47.
72.
Ibid., 47-48. CHI. Ill, 434-435.
72a.
For details see above, Vol. VI, pp. 314-16 and Ch. XV.
73.
K. A. N. Sastri, A History of South India, 276. For details, see Ch. XV. 74.
For details, see Ch. XV.
75.
NIA. II, 364-365.
76.
CHI., Ill, 443-444. See above, section on Ahmadnagar, p. 421. 76a. See above,
pp. 424 ff.
77.
Briggs, III, 135, 254-255.
77a.
See Ch. XV.
78.
Bijapur by H. Cousens, 17, 60; Architecture at Bijapur by M. Taylor and J.
Fergusson, 32.
79.
Briggs, III, 144-146.
80.
Ibid., 146-148.
81.
Ibid., 171-173.
81a.
See above pp. 430ff.
81b.
See above pp. 437ff.
82.
Meadows Taylor: A student’s Manual of the History of India (4th Edition),
(1879), pp. 304-305.
83.
Ibid., 305.
84.
Briggs, III, 169-170.
84a.
For details, see above, chapter on Shah Jahan.
84b.
Khafi Khan I, 531-534, 537. Sarkar: Aurangzih, I, 32-4.
85.
Sarkar, History of Aurangzih I, 253-254 (1912 edition).
85a.Further
sources of Vijayanagara History (K. A. N. Shastri) p. 341. 86. K. D.
Swaminathan, The Nayakas of Ikkeri, 73-74; Proceedings of Indian History
Records Commission, XVI 50-51. (For other campaigns of Ran daula based on
Macleod: De Oost-Indische Campagnie, II, See the chapter on Vijayanagara.—Editor).
87.
K. D. Swaminathan: The Nayakas of Ikkeri, 89. See pp. 498 ff. 88. Ibid., 89; C.
S. Srinivasachari: A History of Jinji and, its rulers, 174-186; Sarkar, History
of Aurangzih, I, 254. For details, see the Chapter on Vijaya¬ nagara.
89.
Sarkar, History of Aurangzih, IV, 155.
90.
Ibid., 155; Basdtin-us-Salatin, 346-348.
91.
V. Bridhagirison: The Nayaks of Tanjore, 141-144.
92.
K. D. Swaminathan: The Nayakas of Ikkeri, 95, 106-107, 110. 93. Alamgirndma,
988-1021; Sarkar, Aurangzih, IV, 118-144.
94.
K. K. Basu, Some court poets of Ali Adil Shah II of Bijapur (Summary) PIHC
(1943), p. 379.
95.
Sarkar, Aurangzih, IV, 158.
95a.
Ibid., 181. _
95b.
Maasir-i-Alamgiri, tr. by Sarkar, p. 169.
95c.
Ibid., 171; Dilkasha; 202-203; Basatin-us-Saldtin, 540.
96.
Briggs, III, 485-486; CHI., Ill, 398.
"
97. Briggs, III, 214-215; CHI., Ill, 435.
98.
Briggs, III, 217-221; CHI., Ill, 436.
98a.
Briggs, III, 254-255.
99.
G. Yazdani, Bidar, its history and monuments, 13. For Amir Band’s activi¬ ties,
see above pp. 466-7.
100.
Briggs, III, 57.
100a.
Ibid., 60.
101.
Ibid., 60-64.
101a.
G. Yazdani, Bidar, its history and monuments, p. 13.
101b.
Basatin-us-Saldtin, 272-273; G. Yazdani, Bidar, its history and monuments, p.
14.
102.
“Sultan” does not signify his royal title; it was a part of his name. 103.
Briggs, III, 321-322; 339-345.
104.
Ibid., 323, Journal of the Hyderabad Archaeological Society (1918), p. 89; JIH,
Vol. 33, pp. 281-283; PIHC (1945), p. 159-162.
105.
Briggs, III, 323-324, 377.
106.
N. Narayana Rao, Two Muhammadan patrons of Telugu literature in the 16th
century, PIHC (1945), p. 297; Briggs, III, 438; K. A. N. Sastri, A History of
South India, 287.
107.
Briggs, III, 446.
108.
Tarikh-i-Muhammad Quth-Shdhi, 165; Briggs III, 446; JIH, XXXV, p. 266;
Sherwani: “Cultural and administrative set up under Ibrahim Qutb Shah,” Islamic
Culture (1957), p. 242.
109.
Islamic Culture (1957), 130-131, 246; PIHC (1945), 296-298. 110. Briggs, III,
451-452; M. Taylor and J. Ferguson, Architecture at Bijapur, 48; Journal of the
Pakistan Historical Society, Vol. VI, pp. 224-253. 110a. H. K. Sherwani,
“Political and military aspects of the reign of Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah,” JIH,
April, 1962.
110b.
K. K. Basu, “A chapter from Golconda History”, Journal of Bihar and Orissa
Research Society, XXVIII, pt. II, 179.
111.
Ibid., 179.
112.
Hadigat-us-Saladn, Sarkar’s MSS., 65; Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research
Society, XXVIII, pt. II, 180.
112a.
Bernier, pp. 194-5; Tavernier, I, p. 158.
112b.
J. N. Sarkar, History of Aurangzib, IV, 395.
112c.
Indian Travels of Thevenot and Careri, edited by S. N. Sen (Published by the
National Archives of India, 1949), p. 144.
113.
For details see chapters on Shah Jahan.
113a.
Bernier, 194-195; Tavernier, I, 158.
114.
Khafi Khan, II, 309-313.
115.
Sarkar, Aurangzib, IV, 400.
116.
Ibid., 401.
117.
Ibid., 402; Maasir-i-Alamgiri, tr. by Sarkar, 175.
118.
Khafi Khan, II, 306.
119.
Ibid., 308.
120.
Ibid., 361.
121.
Briggs, III, 125.
122.
JIH, XXXV, 259.
123.
Ibid., p. 263.