سلالة لودي، التاريخ، الحكام الكبار، الاقتصاد والانحدار.
الكلمات المفتاحية: تاريخ سلالة لودي، بهلول لودي، عهد سيكندر لودي، إبراهيم لودي، سلطنة دلهي، الحكام الأفغان، عمارة لودي، معركة بانيبات (1526)، انتقال سلالة السيد، ثقافة سلالة لودي، حكام لودي، دلهي في عهد لودي، أسرة لودي الإنجازات، تراجع سلالة لودي، خلفاء سلالة لودي، عملات سلالة لودي، الجدول الزمني لسلالة لودي، آثار سلالة لودي، تأثير حكم لودي، تراث سلالة لودي
Keywords: Lodi dynasty history, Bahlul Lodi, Sikandar Lodi reign, Ibrahim Lodi, Delhi Sultanate, Afghan rulers, Lodhi architecture, Battle of Panipat (1526), Sayyid dynasty transition, Lodi dynasty culture, Lodhi rulers, Delhi during Lodi rule, Lodi dynasty achievements, Decline of Lodi dynasty, Lodi dynasty successors, Lodi dynasty coins, Lodi dynasty timeline, Lodi dynasty monuments, Impact of Lodi rule, Legacy of Lodi dynasty.
THE LODIS
I.
BUHLUL LODĪ (A.D. 1451-89)
Buhlül belonged to the Shāhu Khel clan of the Lodis who form an important branch of the Afghans. In India the Lodis appear to have founded some settlements around Lamghan and Multan in c. A.D. 970. The colony could not, however, prosper on account of the subsequent rise of heresy. During the Turkish rule some of the Lodis served under Balban, and later, in A.D. 1341, Malik Shāhū, the progenitor of the Lodi rulers of India, raided Multan and killed its governor, but failed to achieve a permanent foothold on account of the swift action taken by Muhammad Tughluq. Shāhu's succes- sors carried on trade with India, and one of his grandsons, Malik Bahrām, settled in Multan early in Firüz Shah's reign, and accepted service under the governor, Malik Mardān Daulat. Bahrām's eldest son, Malik Sultan Shah Lodi, afterwards served under Khizr Khän, and distinguished himself by killing in battle the latter's worst enemy, Mallu Iqbal Khān. He was rewarded with the title of Islam Khan and was afterwards appointed the governor of Sir- hind, which formed the nucleus of the future Lodi kingdom. Islām Khan performed heroic feats under Mubarak Shah in resisting the Khokhars and the Mughuls, and died during the reign of Muhammad Shäh2 after nominating his nephew and son-in-law, Buhlül, to suc- ceed him in his fief of Sirhind,3
Buhlul
as a youth had been carrying on trade in horses, but the turning point in his
career came when once he sold his finely bred horses to Sultan Muhammad Shah.
The payment order was drawn on a rebellious pargana which Buhlul raided with
the king's permission and acquired immense spoils. Muhammad Shah was so pleased
that he granted the pargana to Buhlul and raised him to the status of an amir.
After Islam Khan's death, Buhlül established himself at Sirhind and rapidly
extended his influence and posses- sions until he held sway over the major part
of the Punjab.3a Muhammad Shah, being too weak to subdue Buhlul, confirmed him
in the territories that the latter had acquired by force of arms. That the Lodi
chief excelled his master in strength and resources be- came apparent when
Muhammad Shah invoked his help against in- vasion from Malwa. Thereafter Buhlül
made two abortive at- tempts to capturé Delhi until at last the march of events
made it possible for him to enter the capital of the Sultanate without fight-
ing. He ascended the throne on April 19, 1451, and adopted the title of Buhlūl
Shah Ghāzï.4a
The
occupation of Delhi did not add considerably to Buhlül's territorial
possessions, but it increased his responsibilities manifold. He had to recreate
the Sultanate and consolidate it by recovering neighbouring territories and
bringing back to submission the rebel- lious fief-holders. He had to wage a
long war with Jaunpur on the outcome of which depended the survival of his
dynasty. Lastly, he had to improve and remodel the administration with due
regard to the interests of the Afghan nobility.
The
most outstanding achievement of Buhlūl's reign was the conquest and annexation
of Jaunpur, which not only strengthened the foundations of his dynasty but also
won back for the Sultanate an important territory which had been lost as early
as 1394.5 The Sharqis regarded themselves as the legitimate successors of the
Sayyids by virtue of their matrimonial relations with the latters and the proximity
of their kingdom to the boundaries of the Sulta- nate. The emergence of Lodi
power, therefore, caused deep frustra- tion in Jaunpur, and the reigning
monarch, Mahmud, was anxious to oust Buhlül before the latter had time to
establish himself. He, therefore, attacked Delhi in the very first year of
Buhlūl's reign, and besieged the fort, which would have fallen, but for the
defection of Mahmud's general, Darya Khan Lodi, who was secretly won over by
the Afghans.7 Buhlul had left for Multan but, on hearing of the Sharqi attack,
returned immediately and defeated Mahmud's army at Narela, about 17 miles from
Delhi, Mahmud returned dis- appointed and was anxious for revenge. He fought
with the Lodis again over Etawa and Shamsābād, but the engagements remained inconclusive
as he died suddenly in 1457. His son, Muhammad Shah offered to make peace, but
Buhlül was not satisfied until his brother in-law, Qutb Khan, who had been
captured during a nocturnal action against Mahmud, had been released. Fighting
was renewed and the Lodis captured Muhammad Shah's brother, Jalal Khän. In the
meantime a fratricidal conflict at home compelled Muhammad Shah to withdraw. He
was defeated and killed by the forces of his brother, Husain, who was destined
to be the last Sharqi king of Jaunpur. Husain enjoyed decided superiority over
Buhlül in men and resources. He was brave but uncalculating and reckless. He
waged ceaseless wars to destroy Buhlül, but was defeated every time until he
was expelled from Jaunpur and forced to seek shelter in Bihär, which he had to
abandon under Buhlül's successor and retire to Bengal. Buhlül's victory over
Husain was a great mili- tary feat. In the earlier stages of the conflict
Buhlül was so weak that twice he sent emissaries to Malwa imploring aid, but un-
fortunately its ruler Mahmud Khalji died before fulfilling the pro- mise of
help. Buhlül's ultimate success is mainly due to his courageous generalship and
excellent military strategy.
The
pacification of the Doab, Mewat, and the neighbouring area needed urgent
attention as the numerous chieftains in that region were likely to transfer
their loyalty to the Sharqïs and could cause embarrassment to the Sultan during
his campaign against Jaunpur. Their allegiance, moreover, would bring in
handsome revenues to replenish the treasury. Buhlül, therefore, led a num- ber
of expeditions against Mewät, Sambhal, Kol, Sākīt, Etawa, Rapri, Bhongãon and
Gwalior.8 The rulers and chiefs of all these places submitted to Buhlül at the
beginning of his reign, but wavered in their loyalty during the succeeding
years. However, when the Sharqi power was liquidated, they unreservedly acknow-
ledged Buhlül's authority. In Multan, Buhlul could not succeed in suppressing
the chief of the Lankähs. He was prevented from pro- ceeding to Multan
personally by the Sharqi attack on Delhi, and an army sent later under his son
Barbak was defeated by the Lankah ruler, Shah Husain. Likewise, Buhlul's raid
on Alhanpur, a pargana under the jurisdiction of Ghiyas-ud-din Khalji of Mälwa,
also failed and he had to return hurriedly when pursued by Sher Khan, governor
of Chanderi.
Before
his death Buhlul distributed his territories among his relatives and amirs. He
placed his son Barbak on the throne of Jaunpur, gave Manikpur to Prince 'Alam
Khan, Bharaich to his sister's son Kālā Pahār, Lucknow and Kalpi to his
grandson A'zam Humayun, and Badaun to Khan Jahan Lodi. His son Nizam Khan
(later Sultan Sikandar), whom he had nominated heir-apparent, held the Punjab,
Delhi and most of the territory in the Doab. Having thus created a sort of an
Afghan confederacy, Buhlul died about the middle of July 1489, at a place known
as Malawali9 near the township of Jalali in the pargana of Sakit.
Buhlül
deserves the credit of having revived the Sultanate, extended its boundaries,
and rehabilitated its prestige after years of persistent decline. His military
pre-occupations did not allow him much time for administrative reorganization,
although he was keen about the welfare of the people and heard their petitions
personally to dispense justice. He was a man of lofty personal character and,
although scrupulous in adhering to the tenets of Islam, was not intolerant of
other creeds.91 He won the devotion and esteem of his non-Muslim friends and
feudatories and relied on them on critical occasions. He possessed a charitable
disposition and never turned away a suppliant from his door. He behaved
generously even towards his bitterest foe, Husain Sharqi, whom he allowed to
use the revenues of a part of the kingdoni after expulsion from Jaunpur. The
Sharqi queen, Bibi Khonza,9¢ whose influence over Husain was primarily
responsible for his recklessness, was twice taken prisoner by the Lodis, but
was honourably restored to her husband each time.
As
a king, Buhlül was not ostentatious. He treated his fellow Afghans and nobles
as his equals, mixed with them on social occa- sions, and even shared his
carpet with them. 9 Compared with the attitude of previous Turkish kings of
India, his behaviour towards the nobles might be open to criticism, but with
the grim spectacle of a life and death struggle with the Sharqis which started
at the very commencement of his reign, he could depend only on the sup- port of
his Afghan followers some of whom had specially come from Roh10 in response to
his call. 10 It was no time to reform or discipline the uncouth Afghans, but by
respecting their clannish feeling and their instinctive sense of freedom, he
managed to win and retain their allegiance, and ultimately succeeded in laying
the foundations of the dynasty on a firm basis.
II.
SIKANDAR SHAH (A.D. 1489-1517).
Buhlül had nominated his son Nizam Khan as his successor but on the eve of his death, a group of nobles tried to prevail on him to change the will in favour of his other son, Barbak, or his grand- son, A'zam Humayun. They did not succeed, but two days after the death of Buhlül there was a heated discussion among them in which Nizăm Khan's mother boldly intervened on behalf of her son. The successful faction carried Buhlül's coffin to Jalali where Nizam Khan arrived on July 15, 1489, and the very next day was crowned king with the title of Sikandar Shah. He was the ablest among the surviving sons of Buhlül and proved worthy of the choice as king by carrying out successfully the task begun by his father.
Sikandar
lost no time in suppressing the opponents who might still dispute his
succession. He won over to his side his brother 'Alam Khan, and overcame by
force his nephew, A'zam Humāyün, and his uncle, 'Isa Khän. As for Bärbak,
Sikandar did not want to remove him from Jaunpur provided he agreed to remain
peaceful and loyal. Bärbak, however, refused to acknowledge his brother's
authority. Thereupon Sikandar defeated him in a battle near Kanauj but, with
fraternal affection, reinstated him at Jaunpur, taking care, at the same time,
to nominate his own men to all important offices at the court and outside.
Shortly afterwards there was a rising as Jaunpur organized by powerful
zamindārs and men of the Bachgoti tribe, 10b headed by their leader Juga.10c
Bārbak fled in panic and Sikandar rushed from his playground to coerce the
rebels before they had mustered strength. The zamindārs were defeated and Juga
was forced to take refuge with the exiled Husain Sharqi at the fort of
Jaund.10d Bārbak was restored once more, but he again proved incapable of
dealing with another rebellion of the zamındärs. Sikandar at last ordered him
to be arrested and took over the administration of Jaunpur.
Husain
Sharqi, who was biding his time in exile, entertained secret hopes of
recovering his kingdom after Buhlul's death. He tried to exploit the
differences between Bärbak and Sikandar, but the latter's firmness and success
disappointed him. He appeared to be in league with the rebel zamindārs at
Jaunpur and harboured the Bachgoti leader Juga. Sikandar, who pursued Juga up
to the fort of Jaund, politely asked Husain to surrender the rebel and retain
the fort as well as the lands which the latter was in possession of. Husain
returned a haughty answer and prepared to give battle. He was severely defeated
and put to flight, but a few years later, in 1494, he marched out again on
learning that a large number of the Sultan's horses had died. He was again
defeated by Sikandar near Banaras and hotly pursued until he crossed into
Bengal where he spent the rest of his life at Colgong as a pensioner of Sultan
'Ala-ud-din Husain Shāh. Sikandar's authority was thenceforth fully established
in Bihar. The Rai of Tirhut also submitted peacefully.
Husain's
flight to Bengal led to an expedition against that coun- try in 1495. As
neither side was serious about fighting, Sultān Husain Shāh behaved wisely in
sending his son, Daniyal, to nego- tiate. He settled with Sikandar's agents the
terms of a peace treaty according to which both the monarchs agreed to respect
each other's frontiers. The king of Bengal further promised not to harbour
Sikandar's enemies. It was wise on Sikandar's part to have realized the
limitation of his own resources and striven to maintain peaceful relations with
other independent Muslim kingdoms. His policy to- wards Malwa was guided by the
same considerations and, although internal strife in that State provided him
with a favourable chance of interfering with its affairs, he appears to have
restrained his ambi- tion and held himself aside as far as he possibly could.
In 1510, Shihab-ud-din, son of Sultan Nasïr-ud-din of Malwa, having rebelled
against his father, sought Sikandar's protection. Nasir-ud-din, however,
advanced quickly to Chanderi and punished Shihāb-ud-din by nominating as
heir-apparent his younger son, Mahmûd II, whose claim was thenceforth severely
contested by another son Sahib Khan. In March 1513, Sahib Khan came to Chanderi
and appealed Sikandar for help. A detachment was sent from Delhi, but it
remained stationed at a short distance from Chanderi, and returned without taking
part in any engagement. Soon after, how- ever, Sahib Khan became suspicious of
his own partisans, 11 and arrived as a fugitive at Sikandar's court. The Sultan
promptly sent him back with a large force to Chanderi where he was kept in
virtual internment while the administration was carried on by Sikandar's amīrs.
Sikandar
was keen on reducing the Rajput States but his efforts in that direction met
with only partial success. The Rājā of Gwalior, who had submitted to Buhlul
just before the latter's death, conti- nued his allegiance to Sikandar for some
time. However, the asylum which he provided for the Rājā of Dholpur, coupled
with his envoy's discourtesy, annoyed the Sultan who attacked the State in
1502. The Rajā submitted immediately, but three years later, he attacked
Sikandar's army returning to Dholpur. He was defeated again, but Sikandar
continued the march to Agra on account of the approaching rains, without
completing the conquest of Gwalior which remained unsubdued for the rest of his
reign. The conquest of Dholpur did not present much difficulty and Rājā
Bināyak, although reinstated after his defeat in 1502, was again removed in
1505 to prevent him from allying himself with Gwalior against Delhi. Mandrail
was conquered the same year and, two years later, Utgir also fell. There- after
Sikandar laid siege to Narwar and, after conquering it, strengthened its
defences by building an auxiliary fort.
Rai
Bhaidchandra, the Vaghela Rājā of Rewa, who was an ally of Husain Sharqi,
submitted to Sikandar in 1492 when the latter entered Kantit.12 He was,
however, frightened by the Sultan's movement towards Arail, 13 and suddenly
went away from the royal camp leaving his baggage which was returned to him
intact. The Räjä having failed to renew his pledge of loyalty, Sikandar marched
against him in 1495 but he fled towards Sarkaj 13 and died on the way. The
Sultan returned to Jaunpur but a large number of his horses died on account of
the strain of the long journey. Hearing of this, Bhaid's younger son, Lakshmichandra,
incited Husain Sharqi to fight again. Sikandar was, however, able to conciliate
Bhaid's eldest son and successor Salivahana, who helped him in defeating the
exiled Sharqi king. Their relations improved to such an extent that the Sultan
ventured to ask the hand of his daughter in marriage. On his refusal Sikandar
raided his country in 1498, but when he 144 advanced as far as Bandūgarh, he
found the fort to be too strong and returned to Jaunpur.
In
Nāgaur, Sikandar's supremacy was acknowledged by its ruler Muhammad Khan who
wished wished to prevent his two brothers, 'Ali Khān and Abū Bakr, from
receiving help against him. Sikandar gladly patronized Muhammad Khan and
compen- sated 'Ali Khan with the grant of the small fief of Sui near Rantham-
bhor. After some time 'Ali Khan was replaced by his brother Abū Bakr when it
was discovered that the former had been guilty of duplicity in secretly
dissuading Daulat Khan, governor of Rantham- bhor, from transferring his
allegiance from Malwa to Delhi.
The
old and almost ruined capital of Delhi had lost its charm for Sikandar, and
political and strategic considerations induced him to choose another place. In
1499 he moved his residence to Sambhal where he spent about four years. His
partial success in the cam- paigns against the Rajput States raised in his eyes
the importance of Agra where, in 1504, he founded a new town and transferred
his capital to it. This provided him with a base from which he could exercise
better control over turbulent areas. Agra was formerly a dependency of Bayana
which was held by the Auhadis. At the out- set of Sikandar's reign, the then
Amir of Bayana, Sultan Sharaf, agreed, at the king's suggestion, to exchange
his possessions with Jalesar, Chandwar, Marehra and Sakit. At the last moment,
how- ever, he went back on his word and consequently both he and his vassal,
Haibat Khän Jilwānī, who held Agra, had to be forcibly ex- pelled in 1491.
Sikandar
improved upon his father's system of government by slowly centralizing the
administration and persuading the Afghan chiefs to learn obedience to
authority. He re-united the kingdom by annexing Jaunpur and extended his
control gradually over pro- vincial affairs. The nobles were required to behave
respectfully in the Sultan's presence, 14 and to show due regard to his orders
in distant places.15 They were also told to submit their accounts to the
Ministry of Finance, and serious notice was taken of defaults and
embezzlements.16 The Sultan, however, took care not to rouse open hostility. He
treated the elderly Afghan chiefs with consi- deration and appreciated the
sentiments and prejudices of his Afghan followers. He had also arranged to keep
himself informed of the affairs of the nobles and the people by a cleverly
organized intelligence system. Every morning he received reports of the
important occurrences of the previous day as well as of the prices of various
commodities, and took prompt action if anything went wrong. He did not show any
partiality to rank or status in the administration of justice, which was
even-handed for both the high and the low. For this purpose the Sultan's
special representative remained at the seat of justice the whole day long,
while the qāzīs and the 'ulama' were present inside the palace. Special
messengers conveyed reports of all judicial discussions to the king who
frequent- ly intervened personally to avert the miscarriage of justice. 16a
Sikandar's
regard for the well-being of his subjects, his bene- volence, and love for
justice ushered in an era of peace and pros- perity in which trade and
agriculture flourished. Grains and other goods were available in such abundance
that men of moderate means could also live in comfort. The cultivation of the
arts of peace by happy and contented minds brought about a cultural re-
naissance which transcended communal barriers. The literary out- burst of the
period was unrivalled for centuries past and included translations of Sanskrit
works into Persian, 17 the collection of old manuscripts on different subjects,
and the composition of new lite- rary works. The Sultan was a poet himself, 18
and his bounteous appreciation of learning attracted scholars from distant
lands to his court where they received every encouragement. He was also keen-
ly interested in music and the enthusiasm which he showed in its promotion is
testified to by the rare contemporary work Lahjat-i- Sikandar Shahi.18 A happy
result of the cultural activity of the period was the mutual interest it
aroused among Hindus and Muslims for each other's learning, thus conducing to a
rapprochement which was in consonance with the progressive spirit of the time.
Endowed
with virtues of piety and decency, the Sultan held aloof from frivolous
pursuits, engaging himself generally with the affairs of the State on which he
worked strenuously till midnight. He disliked the company of unworthy people,
so much so that, even in the matter of State appointments, his chief criteria
were charac- ter and heredity. Some writers have referred to his drinking in
secret, but according to the contemporary chronicler, Mushtaqi, no one ever saw
him either taking wine or in a state of drunkenness. He was exceedingly
generous and had made elaborate arrangements throughout the kingdom for the
distribution of charities, comprising food, clothing and other necessities of
life, to the poor and the needy. Half-yearly lists were submitted to him of
deserving persons who were awarded regular stipends. The nobles also emulated
the king as far as possible.
Unfortunately,
Sikandar, deeply devoted to Islam, was in- tolerant of other faiths. Born of a
Hindu mother,19 and anxious to marry a Hindu princess, his attitude towards
this religion of a vast majority of his subjects appears to be rather baffling
and inexplicable, for, it was bound to prejudice the realization of his
political aims. 190 Even as a prince he had been dissuaded from raiding the
Hindu tanks at Thaneswar by a verdict of the famous divine, Mian ‘Abdullāh of
Ajudhan, who had also ruled against the demolition of non-Muslim places of
worship. Sikandar, as a king, however, frequent- ly razed temples to the ground
and erected mosques and public utility buildings in their place, as illustrated
by his behaviour at Mandrail, Utgir and Narwar. At Mathura he prevented the
Hindus from bathing at their sacred ghats or having themselves shaved. The
stones of broken images of Hindu idols brought from Nagarkot were given away to
butchers to be used as weights. 19b On the top of all, a Brāhmaṇa named
Bodhan,20 who had endorsed the truth of Islām as well as of his own faith, was
put to death after the question had been discussed at length by the 'ulama'.
Such an irrational policy is indefensible in modern times, even though it be
granted, that in the age in which Sikandar lived, tolerance was not the order
of the day. It may, however, be stated that Sikandar, in conformity with his
opposition to idolatry, stopped some of the semi-idolatrous practices that had
grown up among the Muslims also, such as the annual procession of Sālār Mas'ud
Ghāzī's lance,21 the visits to the tombs of saints by Muslim women, and the
carrying of taʻziyas22 during Muharram. That he was ready at one stage to
destroy even the beautiful mosques built by the Sharqi kings in order to
obliterate the memory of his foes, but was held back by the 'ulama', shows that
the occasional fury of his temper did contribute to his intolerance which was
apparently not confined to a particular sec- tion of the people. It may also be
noted that in the matter of general administration and in his economic and judicial
improve- ments, he made no kind of discrimination among his subjects.
Sikandar
was personally brave and dauntless and it is said that Buhlul's choice of him
as a successor was prompted by the heroic manner in which, as a prince, he had
suppressed Tātār Khān's revolt in the Punjab. 22 As a king, he led most of the
campaigns in person, but whenever he stayed behind, he regularly sent orders
twice a day to be delivered to the commanders at each halt even if the distance
involved was 500 to 1,000 miles. This was achieved by means of a system of
carrier-horses that existed for sending messages to provincial governors. The
Sultan possessed a fine physique and handsome appearance, and it was perhaps on
account of his care for the latter that he did not wish to grow a beard, in
spite of the remonstrances of Haji Abdul Wahhab.22b He died on November 21,
1517 on account of a disease of the throat.220
III.
IBRAHIM LODI (A.D. 1517-26)
After Sikandar's death, his son Ibrahim was elevated to the throne without opposition. The experiment of a dual monarchy was revived when, at the very commencement of the reign, Ibrahim agreed to have his brother Jalal Khan installed as independent ruler of Jaunpur.22d However, before the latter had established himself there, Ibrahim, on the advice of some wiser amirs, repented of his folly and deputed an agent to persuade Jalāl to come to Delhi.22e On Jalal's refusal to yield, the King sent secret instructions to the chief nobles and governors not to recognize his brother's authority, thereby compelling Jalal to leave Jaunpur and return to his old fief of Kālpi. Jalal succeeded, however, in win- ning over to his side an important amir, A'zam Humāyün Sarwänī, with whose help he quickly recovered Awadh. Their friendship did not last long, for, when Ibrāhīm marched to oppose them, A'zam. Humayun again came over to the Sultan and Jalal was forced to retreat. Leaving behind his family at Kalpī, the prince, in despe- ration, proceeded towards Agra where Ibrahim's general, Malik Adam, persuaded him to accept the permanent assignment of Kālpī by surrendering his claims to sovereign power. The negotiations were helpful in putting off the prince for some time, as Ibrahim later on disapproved of this arrangement and decided to get rid of his brother. Jalal ran away to Gwalior, and thence to Malwa, but being unwelcome there fled to the country of the Gonds who betrayed him to the King. Ibrahim sent him to Hānsï where his other brothers were imprisoned, but he was killed on his way to that place. 22f
The
temporary asylum which Jalal had secured at Gwalior provided Ibrahim with the
pretext for completing his father's pro- ject of conquering this important
Rajput State.
He
sent a strong force comprising 30,000 horsemen and 300 elephants under A'zam
Humayun Sarwäni, governor of Kară, to besiege the fortress. In the meantime
Räjä Män, who had defied Sikandar's authority, died. His son Vikramjit, unable
to with- stand the pressure of the Sultan's army which had been reinforced by a
fresh force under nine amirs, surrendered at last.23 This out- standing
military achievement was somewhat neutralized by the defeat of Ibrahim's forces
which were sent against Räņā Sāngā of Mewär, 23a
Jalal
Khan's rebellion left a deep impression on Ibrahim's mind. It made him
suspicious of his nobles and strengthened his resolve to centralize all power
by the outright suppression of Afghan nobility. Unlike his father who had
slowly asserted royal authority without outraging the sentiments of his Afghan
followers, Ibrahim required the nobles to observe proper court ceremonial and
purge their minds of any thoughts of equality based on clannish affinity with
the king. Even though the past history of Muslim rule in India supported such a
view of kingship, Ibrahim failed to understand the difference between Turkish
ascendency and Afghan hegemony. The transformation might have been slowly
effected, but could not be abruptly imposed. Without realizing, therefore, that
his success as a ruler depended on the military support of his nobles, he
decided to destroy the very men whose help he needed most. A'zam Humāyūn
Sarwānī who, by his timely reunion, had contributed to the Sultan's victory
over Jalāl, was recalled from the siege of Gwalior and put in chains. Likewise,
Mian Bhuwah, who had distinguished himself as the wazir since Sikandar's days,
was also imprisoned.
The
manifestation of capricious tyranny led to the revolt at Kara by A'zam Humayun
Sarwāni's son, Islām Khän, who was sup- ported by two important Lodi chiefs,
Sa'id Khan and A'zam Humayun24 who had suddenly returned from Gwalior. When an
army sent against the insurgents suffered a reverse, Ibrāhīm up- braided the
commanding nobles and called upon them to crush the revolt on pain of being
considered otherwise as traitors. The rebels, who had mustered 40,000 men,
demanded A'zam Humayun Sarwānī's release, but Ibrāhīm refused it in spite of a
Muslim saint's24a intercession. The Sultan would not compromise on any terms
and ordered Darya Khän Lohānī, governor of Bihar, Nasir Khān Lohani of
Ghazipur, and Shaikh Muhammad Farmuli to join the royal army with all their
strength. After a sanguinary battle in which 10,000 Afghans fell, the rebels
were defeated and Islām Khăn Sarwani was killed.
Rather
than learn any useful lesson from the revolt, Ibrahim regarded the victory as a
success of his policy and became even more ruthless. Mian Bhuwah was put to
death and A'zam Humayun Sarwānī, who also died in captivity, is believed by
some writers to have been killed by the King's orders.24b Another grandee, Mian
Husain Farmūlī, was set upon by the Sultan's hire- lings and done to death at
Chanderi.240 This sent a wave of indigna- tion and alarm among the other nobles
who began to contemplate drastic measures for their own safety. In the eastern
part of the kingdom important Lodi and Farmuli amirs began to organize
themselves, while Darya Khan Lohani, whom Ibrahim had next decided to degrade,
resolved to cast off his allegiance. After his sudden death, his son Bahar
Khan, assuming leadership of the dis- affected nobles, declared independence
and styled himself Sultān Muhammad. He occupied the country from Bihar to
Sambhal and, He for a little over two years, had the khutba read in his name.
was joined by Nasir Khan Lohānī, governor of Ghazipur, Fath Khan, another son
of A'zam Humayun Sarwäni, and Sher Khan Sür (later Sultan Sher Shah).
While
Ibrahim's armies fought a series of engagements with the rebellious amirs in
the eastern provinces, Daulat Khan Lodi, governor of the Punjab, opened negotiations
with Babur. Daulat Khan had evaded Ibrahim's summons and his son, whom he sent
to call upon the King, soon after ran back to Lahore to escape arrest. The
shocking account of Ibrahim's cruelty, which Daulat Khan heard from his son,25
convinced him that it was impossible for him to continue his allegiance to the
Sultan. As he was not able to organize the kind of revolt that the Afghan
nobles in Bihär had done, he preferred to turn to Babur for help, and sent his
son25 to Kabul for this purpose. Almost simultaneously, Ibrahim's uncle 'Alam
Khan, who had been biding his time in Gujarat and was sought out by the
dissatisfied amirs to replace Ibrahim25b also arrived at Kabul to seek Babur's
support. Babur, who was anxious to annex the Punjab to his kingdom, welcomed
this opportunity of extending his possessions, and led an expedition in 1524 to
Lahore,26 where he defeated Ibrahim's army under Bahar Khan Lodi. Daulat Khân
had already fled towards Multān from where he came to meet Bābur at Dipalpur.
Babur,
however, instead of reinstating Daulat Khan, appointed his own officials at
Lahore and assigned to the latter some minor dis- tricts.27 This infuriated
Daulat Khan who turned hostile after Bābur's return to Kabul, whereupon the
latter entered into an arange- ment with 'Alam Khan to help him in capturing
Delhi on condition that he (Babur) was to retain the Punjab in full
sovereignty. 'Alam Khan was later gained over by Daulat Khan and, with a
combined Afghan force of thirty to forty thousand strong, he attacked Delhi in
1525, but was easily defeated by Ibrahim.27 In the meantime Bäbur, realizing
that neither Daulat Khan nor 'Alam Khan could be relied upon, set out on his
own account for a final and decisive invasion of India. After spending a few
months in conquering the Punjab and disposing of his Afghan opponents, he
advanced towards Delhi. Ibrahim marched forward and the two armies clashed with
each other at Panipat on April 20, 1526. In spite of overwhelming superiority
in numbers28 Ibrahim was defeated and slain. Babur's historic victory was
chiefly due to his superior fighting technique, skilful employment of trained
cavalry, and an enviable store of artillery.
Endowed
with courage and bravery, Ibrahim possessed the qualities of a soldier, but was
unfortunately rash and impolitic in his actions. His attempt at absolutism,
though necessary, was pre- mature and his policy of mere repression,
unaccompanied by mea- sures to strengthen the administration and augment his
military re- sources, was bound to fail. That he should have chosen to alienate
his powerful nobles at a time when the danger of an external in- vasion loomed
large in the north-west, betrayed a lack of foresight which proved disastrous
both to himself and to his dynasty. In private life, Ibrahim's conduct was
unblemished. He was kindly disposed towards his subjects and friendly with the
saints and divines.28 He took keen interest in the promotion of agriculture and
both he and his nobles received their share of the produce in kind. There was
always an abundance of crops and the people in general lived happily in the
midst of cheapness and plenty.
Foot Notes
1.
The origin of the Afghans is obscure and the traditional theory tracing their
descent
from the Jewish king Tālūt (Saul) lacks historical support.
It
is, however, generally held that the Khaljis who belonged to the Turkish stock
and a number of whom had migrated to the Afghan lands of Ghaznin, Balkh,
Tukharistan, Bust and Guzganin were gradually transformed into Chilzais. They
are believed to have been the progenitors of important Afghan clans including
that of the Lodis. See Hudud-ul-Alam Tr. pp. 111, 348, Ma'asir-i- Mahmud Shahi
Bodleian MS. fol. 12, Tärikh-i-Haqqi Cambridge MS. p. 106.
2.
According to the TA, he was killed in 1431 while fighting against Shaikh 'Ali
the Mughul. This is incorrect, for he was alive during a part of Muhammad
Shah's reign and introduced his nephew to the Sultan. Nizam-ud-din has,
probably, confused him with one Sulaiman Lodĩ who was killed in 1431. See
Tarikh-i-Sadr-i-Jahān Paris MS. fol. 172a, T.M. 219, Tārikh-i-Mushtëqi B.M.MS.
fol. 5a, Tārikh-i-Dā'ūdī, S.O.A.S. MS. p. 5.
3.
He preferred Buhlul to his own son, Qutb Khan, firstly because Buhlül appear-
ed to be more capable and, secondly, as the Afsana-i-Shāhān has pointed out,
Qutb Khan was born of a Rajput mother, while his daughter, Firdausi, whom Islam
Khan had given in marriage to Buhlül, was from an Afghan lady. Buhlul was a
full-blooded Afghan as his father, Kala Lodi, had married an uncle's daughter.
The story goes that Kala having died in an encounter with the Niazi Afghans,
Buhlul was born posthumously in extraordinary circum- stances. His mother,
while close on confinement, died suddenly on account of the falling of the
house, and he was taken out by the 'Caesarean operation'. Thus orphaned
completely, he was taken as a month-old baby to his uncle who brought him up as
a son. The chances were, therefore, all for Buhlül, and the clannish sentiment
being very strong among the Afghans, Qutb Khān might not have been acceptable
to the majority of them.
3a.
The entire area covering Dipalpur, Lahore, Panipat and Sirhind was under the
control of Buhlul. The statement of the T4 with regard to the disunity among
the Afghans and the campaigns undertaken by Muhammad Shah's minister, Sikandar
Tuhfa, against Buhlül is not confirmed by the earlier autho- rities such as the
Tārīkh-i-Mushtaqi and the Majāmi-ul-Akhbār.
4.
See above, p. 135.
4a.
See Waqi'at-i-Mushtaqi, B.M.MS. p. 7, Mihr wa Mãh, Lahore MS. fol. 117.
5.
See above, p. 113.
6.
The last Sayyid Sultan's daughter was married to the last Sharqi king. She
always urged her husband to recover her parental heritage.
7.
The Afghan envoy, Shams-ud-din, who came to deliver the keys of the fort to
Darya Khan Lodi, reminded the latter of his affiliations with the Afghans and
appealed to him to save the honour of the Afghan ladies besieged in the fort.
See Waqi'at-i-Mushtaqi B.M.MS. p. 8. 7a.
See Ma'äsir-i-Mahmûd Shahi, Bodleian MS. fol. 310b.
8.
Kol-modern Aligarh; Sakit-in the Etah district; Rapri-14 miles south-west of
Mainpuri; Bhongaon-in the Mainpuri district.
A
minor raid which, according to Mushtaqi, the Afghan soldiers carried out early
in Buhlül's reign on a turbulent village near Nimkhar, a dependency of Kanauj,
has been described in the Tārīkh-i-Shāhī as a major expedition of Buhlul who is
reported to have acquired thereby immense booty and plunder. Elliot has given
the name of the place as Munkhar which is not, however, supported by the
printed text of the Tarikh-i-Shāhi nor by the ac- count of the Tarikh-i-Da'udi
which is almost similar to that of Mushtaqi. See Waqi'at-i-Mushtaqi B.M. MS. p.
186; Tārīkh-i-Dā'ūdī S.0.A.S. MS. p. 21; Tārikh-i-Shāhī, p. 20; HIED V, p. 5 n.
1.
Abu-'l
Fazl has described Nimkhar as a Mahal in the Sarkar of Khairābād (Oudh) with a
brick fort and a shrine of great resort. (Ain, Text I, pp. 431, 438.)
9.
His original name was Budhan Khan Sindhi who hailed from Uchh and occu- pied
Multan after expelling the Sayyid governor, Khan-i-Khānān. (Sec Tarikh-i-Haqqi,
Cambridge MS. pp. 128-29). The statement of some of the authorities including
'Abbas Sarwani, Mir Ma'sum and Nizam-ud-din that a Lankah chief named Räi Sahra
drove out Shaikh Yusuf Quraishi whom the people of Multan had raised to power,
is to be discounted.
9a.
He became the ruler of Multan in 1469-70 after the death of his father, Qutb-
ud-din, who had succeeded Mahmud Shah in 1454.
The
reference in the Türikh-i-Shāhi to Ahmad Khan Bhatti's rebellion in Sind and
the appeal for help made by the ruler of Multan to Buhlül, is not confirmed by
any earlier authority. The Lankah rulers were never reconciled to Buhlûl and
they could not possibly have asked his help to suppress a rebel of Sind when
they were strong enough to defeat the army of Delhi and also to repulse an
attack from Malwa,
9b.
It was situated in close proximity to the fort of Ranthambhor, the capture of
which was, in fact, Buhlul's real object. The author of the Tarikh-i-Shāhi has
substituted for the Alhanpur raid an account of Buhlül's expedi- tion against
the Rajput State of Mewar which is not, however, mentioned by any other authority.
He has, probably confused Malwa with Mewar, and Alhanpur with Udaipur which was
founded much later. His reference to Ajmer as the place where Buhlul pitched
his camp, is also wrong as Ajmer at that time lay within the jurisdiction of
Malwa, Similarly Ahmad Yadgar's reference to Ujjain as a Hindu territory, where
Buhlul, during another expedition, subjugated a large number of Hindus, is
wrong, because Ujjain also formed a part of the kingdom of Malwa, (See
Tarikh-i-Haqqi Cambridge MS. p. 109, Tārīkh-i-Nāsir Shāhi IO. MS. fol. 24b.)
9c.
Now called Milauli, situated at a distance of about 15 miles to the north of
Sakit in the Etah district. (See Neave: Etah, map of the district.) None of the
authorities has given the exact date of Buhluls death which probably occurred
about a week earlier than Sikandar's accession (July 16, 1489). See
Tärikh-i-Alfi B.M. MS. fol. 496b., Khulāsat-ut-Twārīkh, Cam- bridge MS. fol.
153a.
9d.
For his association with holy men and his punctuality in saying prayers, see
Siyar-ul-Arifin IO. MS. fols. 235-6; Gulzar-i-Abrār, Lindesiana MS. fol. 132a,
A.S.B. Calcutta MS. fol. 67b. Ma'asir-i-Rahimi, 1, 438. According to
Majāmi-ul-Akhbār, (1.0. MS. fol. 349a), the people of India regarded Buhlul as
a saint and attributed to him even miraculous deeds. This, however, appears to
be an exaggeration,
9e.
She was the daughter of 'Alam Shah, the Sayyid (vide note 6, above). Sce
Tarikh-i-Mushtäqi, B.M. MS. fol. 7a. The Mirat-i-Jahan Numā (1.0. MS. fol.
295b) gives her name as Bībî Khuban. In CHI III (231, 255) it is, however,
mentioned as Jalila which has probably been obtained by changing the Arabic
adjective, Halila, (meaning, "a lawful wife") into proper noun by the
addition of a dot.
9f.
See 'Waqi'ät-i-Mushtäqi B.M. MS. p. 9.
10.
An area roughly extending from Swat and Bajaur to Sewi (Bhakkar) and from Hasan
Abdal to Kabul and Qandahar. See Firishta, Text I, p. 30.
10a.
Tuhfn-yi-Akbar Shāhi B.M. MS. fol. 3b.
10b.
They were Rajputs and were descended from Mainpuri Chauhans. According to
Abu-'1 Fazl, they were found mainly in the Aldimau, Chandah and Gadwarah mahals
of the Jaunpur Sarkar and also in the Jalalpur, Balkhar and Kathot mahals of
the Manikpur Sarkār. See Ain, I, Text pp. 426-29.
10c.
Waqi'at-i-Mushtaqi B.M. MS. p. 20 and Tarikh-ı-Dā'ūdī S.0.A.S. MS. p. 38. The
TA, Tarikh-i-Khän-Jahānī and some other authorities have omitted Juga's name
and have mentioned only the Bachgotis. This has led Hodivala, who has not
consulted Mushtaqi, to accuse 'Abdullah of misreading Bajkoti in the TA and
changing it into Jaggu or Jugga. Hodivala is wrong in remarking that Jug- ga's
name has not been mentioned by any earlier authority, nor is it possible to
agree with him that 'Abdullah has borrowed the account of this episode from the
TA. The writer has, on the other hand, found that 'Abdullah has drawn upon
Mushtaqī more frequently than on any other source.
10d.
Abu-'l Fazl has located it in the Rohtas Sarkar of the province of Bihar (Ain,
I, 423). In the Waqi'at-i-Mushtaqi (MS. p. 21) it is written as Chaund which
helps in identifying it further as modern Chainpur in the Shāhābād district.
After the fall of Jaund (see below), Juga presumably fled to an unknown
destination, for, no more was heard of him.
11.
He lost confidence in Bahjat Khặn, the governor of Chanderi, who had originally
invited him. See Hasan Khāki: Muntakhab-ut-Twarikh, Eton College MS. fol. 142b
and Majami’-ul-Akhbār I.O. MS. fol. 342b.
12.
In the Mirzapur district U.P.
13.
Opposite Allahābād on the southern bank of the Gangā.
13a.
It was situated close to the eastern frontiers of Bhatgorha, but lay actually
in- side the territory of Malwa. (See Ma'asir-i-Mahmud Shāhī, Tubingen MS. fol.
85a.)
14.
Sikandar ordered an offending noble to be severely kicked when some of them
indulged in open fight before him in the polo (Chaugăn) field at Jaunpur. See
Tārikh-i-Khān-Jahānī, Cambridge MS. fol. 96a and Tārīkh-i-Dā'ūdī S.O.A.S. MS.
p. 49
15.
The King's farmāns were respectfully received by the governors who met the
royal messengers at a distance of about three miles from the city, and placing
the farmāns on their heads carried them to the mosque to be read out from the
pulpit, if they were meant for public announcement. See Tarikh-i-Mushtaqi B.M.
MS. fol. 19a, TA, I 338, Mir'at-ul-‘Älam 1.0. MS. fol. 260a.
16.
Mubarak Khän Lodi, governor of Jaunpur, who was found guilty of defalcation,
was ordered to refund all the amount due to him. Even though he sought the
intervention of powerful nobles, yet it proved of no avail. See TA, I, 321.
16a. See Waqi'at-i-Mushtaqi B.M. MS. p. 24; Tärīkh-i-Mushtaqi B.M. MS. fols.
14a,
30b; Tärikh-i-Da'ūdī S.0.A.S. MS. p. 37.
17.
Such as the Ma'dan ash-shifā-yi-Sikandar Shahi which was prepared by the
minister Mian Bhuwah.
18.
He composed verses in Persian under the pen name of Gul Rukh. See Siyar-
ul-Arifin, Lahore, MS. fol. 83. Badāüni: Muntakhab, I, p. 323.
18a.
The only extant MS. is to be found in Tagore library, University of Lucknow.
19.
Her name was Zībā and she was the daughter of a Hindu goldsmith of Sirhind,
19a. It might be due to his early training and constant association with
theologians and also partly to the bhakti movement.
19b.
It is related by the authorities that the stones of idols brought from Nagar-
kot were given away to butchers to be used as weights. Hodivala, however, con-
siders it to be "a wandering tale of iconoclastic zeal, which appears in
varying forms under Mahmud of Ghazna, Firüz Tughluq and Ghias-ud-din Khalji of
Mãlwa." (Studies in Indo-Muslim History, p. 468-9.)
20.
The name is also written as Yodhan and Lodhan, due no doubt to the fact that in
Persian MSS. it is merely a question of dropping or adding a dot,
21.
Salar Mas'ud Ghäzī, believed to be a sister's son of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni,
is represented in popular legends as a saint and martyr and a number of mira-
culous exploits are attributed to him. Mir'ät-i-Mas'ūdī B.M. MS. fols. 17, 86,
Safinat-al-Auliyä p. 160, Khazinat-al-Asfiyā p. 869.
22.
Miniature sepulchres carried in procession annually to commemorate the martyr-
dom of Husain, grandson of Prophet Muhammad, who fell in the field of Karbala'
on 10 Muharram 61 A.H. (October 10, 680).
22a.
Tātār Khan Yusuf Khail was governor of the Punjab who revolted during the
latter part of Buhlul's reign. Since Buhlül was pre-occupied with the affairs
of the eastern part of his kingdom, he wrote to his son, Nizăm Khän, at Panipat
to display princely courage by subduing that rebel,' (See Tarikh-4- Mushtaqi,
B.M. MS. fols. 9-11).
22b.
He was a descendant of the famous saint, Sayyid Jalal Bukhārī (1308-1384) and
had settled in Delhi where he died in 1526-27. (See Ain, Text, II, 222 and
Khazinat-ul-Asfiyā p. 752.)
22c.
The disease was superstitiously believed to have been inflicted on him in con-
sequence of some disrespectful remarks which he made in relation to Ilājī
'Abdul Wahhab. (See Waqi'at-i-Mushtaqî B.M. MS. p. 53 and Tārīkh-i- Da'udi
S.0.A.S. MS. pp. 65-6.
22d.
The arrangement was carried out at the behest of some self-seeking nobles. It
is not possible to accept the view of some authorities that Sikandar him- self
divided the kingdom between his two sons, for, no one knew better than he, the
dangerous consequences of it. Sec Majāmi-al-Akhbār 1.0. MS. fol. 344b. Hasan
Khāki: Muntakhab, Eton MS. fol. 79a. Mujmal-i-Mufassal AS.B. (Calcutta) MS.
fol. 180b. Bodleian MS. fol. 144b.
22e.
See Tarikh--Haqqi, Cambridge MS. p. 74, Tarikh-i-Khan Jahānī, Cambridge
MS.
fol. 115a., Waqi'āt-i-Mushtaqi MS. p. 81.
22f.
See Zubdat-at-Twärikh (Nur-ul-Haq) Cambridge MS. fol. 60a.
23.
He was given Shamsābād in exchange. This chivalrous prince died fighting for
Ibrahim at Panipat in A.D. 1526. Bābur-nāma, 477.
23a.
According to the contemporary writer, Mushtaqi, the Lodi army suffered a defeat
because one of the powerful Afghan nobels, Mian Husain Farmüli, who accompanied
it and whom Ibrahim had ordered to be arrested, went over to Rāņā Sängā. Later,
however, when Husain Farmūlī rejoined the Sultan's army, Rana Sanga hastily
withdrew towards his own capital. See Waqi'at- i-Mushtaqi B.M. MS. p. 124,
24.
A different person from A'zam Humayun Sarwānī who was in prison. 24a. The name
of the saint given by Nizam-ud-din, Firishta and a number of other writers is
Shaikh Raju Bukhari whom Hidayat Husain (Tarikh-i-Shāhi, p. 77 n. 1) has
identified as Sayyid Sadr-ud-din Rājā Qattal Bukhari, brother of Sayyid
Jalāl-ud-din Makhdum-i-Jahanian. This cannot, however, be cor- rect as Shaikh
Sadr-ud-din died in 827 A.H./A.D. 1423, about a century earlier than Ibrahim's
accession. Most probably the name of the saint who tried to avert a suicidal
clash among the Afghans was Shaikh Yusuf Qattal who died at Delhi in 933
A.H./A.D. 1527, and whom Nizam-ud-din and other writers have confused with
Shaikh Raju Bukhārī on account of the common suffix Qattal (See
Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, p. 219).
24b.
See Afsana-yi-Shähän B.M. MS. fol. 47a. Makhzän-i-Afghānī tr. p. 76. 24c.
Chanderi was situated at the southern border of the Lodi kingdom. After Husain
Farmüli's murder, it was easily captured by Rāņā Sāngā. (See Bābur- näma, p.
593, Wāqi'at-i-Mushtaqi MS., p. 128).
25.
Ibrahim is said to have threatened Daulat Khăn with arrest and shown his son
some horrible exhibits of dead bodies pointing to the fate of those who dared
disobey the Sultan. Tārīkh-i-Shāhī, p. 87.
25a.
He was the same son whom Daulat Khân had earlier sent to Ibrahim's court. His
name was Dilavar Khan and he remained steadfastly attached to Babur who later
on conferred on him the title of Khân-i-Khānān. He continued to serve also
under Humayun and died as a prisoner of Sher Shah Sur. (Sec Babur-nāma 457,
Tuzuk-i-Jahāngirī, Text, p. 42.).
25b.
See Mir'át-i-Sikandarī, tr. 277. Zafar-ul-Walih, Arabic text. p. 120.
26.
This was his fourth expedition. He had made incursions into the Punjab thrice
earlier. He affirms in his Memoirs that, ever since his occupation of Kabul in
1504, his eyes had been set on the recovery of that part of India which his
ancestor Timur had conquered. Bābur-nāmā, 377-82.
27.
Sultanpur and Jullundur.
27a.
See Bābur-nāma 456, Ma'dan-i-Akhbar-i-Ahmadi IO. M.S. fol. 34.
28.
Ibrahim's army was calculated at 100,000 whereas Bābur's army did not exceed
one-tenth of it. See Tarikh-i-Rashidi, Cambridge MS. fol. 221a. Nafais-ul-
Ma'āsir B.M.MS. fol. 26b Ma'dan-i-Akhbārī-Ahmadi I.O.MS. fol. 37 Bābur-nāma,
456.
28a.See
An Arabic work on General History B.M.MS. fol. 289b. N.B.-(TA in this chapter
refers to the BI edition of the text.) 154
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