The True Founder of the Timurid Empire in India

 By: Saif Beg

Bairam Beg, also known by his title of Khan-i-Khanan, was one of the most prominent men of  the early Timurid period in India especially during the reign of the Padishahs Humayun and the early years of Akbar’s reign. However, he has been overlooked by a majority of writers, especially Abdul-Fazl,  who either only devoted a paragraph on his achievements or ignored him completely, before extensively  describing Akbar’s reign. This paper examines the three reasons why instead of Humayun and Akbar, it is  Bairam Beg who should be called the true founder of the Timurid Empire in India, instead of giving credit  to any other person, except for Babur. It is only through the success of Bairam Beg’s own actions that the  Timurids in India expanded as they did. 

Bairam Beg was born as a member of the prestigious Baharlu tribe, which was one of the most  prominent and vital tribe during the Qara Qoyunlu confederation. One of his ancestors, Ali Shukr Beg  Baharlu, was a prominent figure not only in Mirza Jahan Shah’s court but also was prominent in his  predecessor Mirza Iskander’s court, both as a statesman and as a prominent warrior and leader of the  army1. Mirza Iskander had married his daughter to Ali Shukr Beg’s son, Pir Ali Beg, in a bid to strengthen  his position on the throne2. The next leader of the Qara Qoyunlu, Jahan Shah had also used this route  where he had his own two sons, Mirza Muhammadi and Mirza Abu Yusuf, who had been married to Ali  Shukr Beg’s two daughters3. Ali Shukr Beg was a prominent member of the court, he was sent by Jahan  Shah to Sultaniya as an envoy to the Timurid Sultan Shah Rukh but when he arrived there, Shah Rukh  had already died. Taking this advantage Ali Shukr Beg captured the city from the officers of the deceased  Timurid4. Upon his return he was given the task of conquering the regions of Kurdistan and Luristan, a  task that was performed most aptly. His successes were not only in conquering provinces but also in  governing them well. He held the regions of Hamadan and its dependencies5 so well that until the late 16th and early 17th centuries these areas were still known as the country of Ali Shukr or “qalamrav-i-Ali  Shukr”6. 

In 1453/857 Jahan Shah sent him to fight against the Aq Qoyunlu ruler, Uzun Hasan, near the  Tigris River in support of the rival claimant to the Aq Qoyunlu throne, Jahangir7. The battle however,  resulted in the complete routing of Jahangir’s forces and notables, as well as the capture of several  prominent Qara Qoyunlu notables. It was a hall mark for Uzun Hasan as it was the only pitched battle in  which Uzun Hasan had won in his career. 

This victory was later followed by the defeat and death of Jahan Shah in November 1467/12 Rabi  II 871 when Uzun Hasan’s forces surprised and decapitated Jahan Shah while he was resting8. This  resulted in the breakup of the confederation forcing Ali Shukr to gather the disbanded followers of Jahan  Shah and set up his own independent rule with the capital at Hamadan9. He continued the fight against  Uzun Hasan who had become stronger since then, enough to “curb the power of the Timurid Mirza Abu  Sa’id”10. Ali Shukr’s last battle was at Azerbaijan where on the cusp of victory he accidently fell into the  hand of Uzun Hasan’s forces and was executed on his order in 147311. 

On the death of Ali Shukr Beg, Pir Ali Beg succeeded to the leadership of the Baharlu. His efforts  were mainly aimed at trying to raise the son of Jahan Shah, Mirza Abu Yusuf, who had been blinded by  Uzun Hasan after the death of Jahan Shah, to the throne of the Qara Qoyunlu12. Joining the army of the  Timurid Abu Sa’id alongside that of his brothers, he waged a new war on Uzun Hasan. However, this  attempt had failed as well on the account of the defeat and death of Abu Sa’id in February 146913.  The death of Abu Sai’d, a valuable ally in the fight against Uzun Hasan was a setback to Pir Ali  Beg. He however, tried once more at restoring Mirza Abu Yusuf to power this time in Fars14. His  endeavor however, once again came to naught as they were defeated and Mirza Abu Yusuf was captured  and put to death15. Pir Ali Beg had escaped and made his way to Hamadan where he faced the ruler of the  area known as Little Lur, Shah Husain16. Shah Husain was easily defeated and had been slain resulting in  the temporary consolidation of power in Hamadan. However, the power of Uzun Hasan at that time was  still on the rise and Pir Ali Beg with his followers had to leave Hamadan and joined Sultan Mahmud, son  of Sultan Abu Sa’id in Badakhshan. His sister, Pasha Begum, was married to Sultan Mahmud and in his  court he found service and refuge for the time being17. 

Pir Ali Beg however, was not pleased at the amount of substantial help he was receiving from  Sultan Mahmud and as a response he moved from his court and went to Kabul where in six months, he  had gathered his army and marched once again towards Fars, this time seeking to establish his own  kingdom18. His defeat at Shiraz by Uzun Hasan’s notables resulted in his withdrawal to Kirman where he  once again joined the court of the Timurids, this time Sultan Mahmud’s brother, Mirza Abu Bakr19,  alongside his brother Bahram Beg. There he incited Mirza Abu Bakr to “fulfill his ambition of conquering  Iraq”20. He was once again defeated by the Aq Qoyunlu army resulting in their attempted withdrawal into  Khurasan. 

Here they were welcomed by the Timurid ruler Sultan Husayn who was given the governorship  by Uzun Hasan himself21. Uzun Hasan was not pleased that these rebels were given asylum which resulted  in three invasions of Khurasan22. The combined force of Pir Ali Beg, Mirza Abu Bakr and Sultan Husayn  resulted in the defeat of the first Aq Qoyunlu army. However, they were unable to stand up to the second  and third army's invasion. The result was a “crushing defeat on Mirza Abu Bakr”23 who however had  survived but Pir Ali Beg was captured and executed at Astarabad in 148024. 

Pir Ali Beg was succeeded by his eldest son Yar Ali Beg, the grandfather of Bairam Khan. He  gathered those that remained from Pir Ali Beg’s followers alongside other Chaghatai nobles that had  managed to escape and went back to his uncle Sultan Mahmud along with his son, Saif Ali Beg25. There  he was received kindly and given the “pargana of Ala-ul-mulk”26 as a jagir. He became influential and  was able to exercise “great authority in the affairs of the kingdom”27. 

At the death of Sultan Mahmud in 1495, he came to the court of Khusrav Shah in Badakhshan,  with his son. During this time, Bairam Khan was born at Qil’a-i-Zafar [31] to Saif Ali Beg. After the  defeat of Khusrav Shah in 1504-1505 Yar Ali Beg and his entire family joined the court of the great  Timurid Zahiruddin Muhammad Babur28. It is at this point in history that the family of Bairam Beg had  become entwined with the family of Temur which would eventually lead into India. 

Under Babur, Yar Ali Beg was the governor of Ghazni which had been conquered in October  150429. Saif Ali Beg however, was drawn to the idea of the previous imperial Qara Qoyunlu personas such  as Qara Yusuf and Jahan Shah, which resulted in the attempt to restore the dominion and glory of his  forefathers30. He withdrew from Badakhshan and went to Khurasan and then to Iraq and had gathered the  remnants of the Baharlu from these regions. Bairam Khan was left with his grandfather, Yar Ali Beg, as  well as maternal Uncle Amir Beg along with his great-grandmother who did their best for his education  and upkeep31. During this time, he not only gained excellent military training but was also trained in the  arts of culture and “humanities”32 that was traditionally a part of his family. Saif Ali Beg however failed  in his efforts to recreate his empire due to the Safavids who were on the ascent33. Defeated in his plan of  restoring the Qara Qoyunlu, he alongside his followers went to Qandahar where he rejoined the service of  Babur. 

Yar Ali Beg died soon after the return of Saif Ali Beg and his death allowed him to gain his  father’s position. Soon however, Saif Ali Beg had also died at Ghazni and Bairam was sent to Balkh  among his other relatives who were living there to gain further education34. Balkh, even after being  ravaged not only by the Mongols but also by Temur as well, was still one of the great cities of Central  Asia and was still the center of lucrative trade and culture. There Bairam Khan would gain most of his  education and return at the age of sixteen to join the service of Babur as his father and grandfather once  did35. 

During his service with Babur he was nominally attached in the retinue of Humayun who was still a child36. Bairam participated with Babur in the battle of Ghazdawan, near Bukhara, in 918/ November  1512 during which Babur had been badly defeated by the Uzbeks and during the course of the battle,  Bairam was wounded37. After the battle Babur, highly impressed with Bairam’s ability and in light of his  ancestry, had favored him greatly over the other nobles in the court which resulted in “wounded pride and  jealousy of the rising man”38. Bairam’s success was also the success of his tribe members as they were  also given employment in his government. He gained the position of an accountant, during which he was  successful in managing the affairs of Babur’s realm39. This success sparked an interest in Humayun who  “begged his father to give Bairam in his service”40 something which Babur accepted. 

Bairam Khan’s acceptance into Humayun’s service had begun his rise within the Timurid  administration. He played a prominent role in the campaigns of Humayun, especially in Malwa and  Gujarat41 as well as during the retreat of Humayun in the face of the onslaught brought by Sher Shah Suri.  It is here the Bairam Khan began his role as the true founder of the Timurid Empire in India. 

One of the most important reasons why Bairam Khan is the true founder of the Timurid Empire in  India was that it was through his skills in diplomacy and from his ancestry which had enabled Humayun  to escape from his situation into Persia. The start of Humayun’s loss of his empire can be traced to his  unfortunate campaign in the Bengal mixed alongside his chronic “lethargy... [and usage of] opium”42 which enabled Sher Shah Suri, an Afghan leader as well as Humayun’s brother, Mirza Kamran to take  full advantage and stake their own claim to these lands. The result was that Humayun had been driven off  completely from northern India by Sher Shah Suri and hounded in Afghanistan by his brother Mirza  Kamran and his other brother, Mirza Askari43. Humayun had only a few loyal subjects, including Bairam  Khan, who alongside the deposed Timurid emperor, wandered around trying to find a source of help.  Bairam had advised Humayun to go to Mashtang, which was near Qandahar. There he could  recruit Afghans who would be loyal and willing to fight for him as well as gain some followers from  Mirza Askari’s court who was at Qandahar, holding the city as a governor for Mirza Kamran44. To reach  Qandahar, Humayun and his followers had to cross Sind. The ruler at the time was Shah Husain Arghun,  who at once told Mirza Kamran about Humayun’s passage and destination45. Mirza Kamran had ordered  Mirza Askari to capture him and his followers. To accurately assess the situation Mirza Askari sent Jai  Bahadur, also known as Chuli Uzbek, since he had the knowledge of the area where Humayun and his  party were located46. 

Jai Bahadur had once served under Humayun and it may be the case that he was still loyal to him  which resulted in his entering the camp, seeking out Bairam Beg and informing him of the plans of Mirza  Askari and Mirza Kamran47. Bairam Beg at this junction persuaded Humayun to leave the idea of going to  Qandahar and instead to retreat to Persia from where he could regain the throne. Persia was chosen, not  only because Bairam had an ancestral connection to Persia, but because by this time the Safavids were in  full control and the Baharlu, as member of the Qizilbash, was a part of the local governing elite48. Another  reason was that by this time Persia was undergoing a transformation from being Sunni to being  completely Shi’i. Since Bairam was a Shi’i, the Shah would be more favorable to Humayun. 

Once near the domains of the Safavids, he advised Humayun to write a letter to the Shah stating  his intention to meet with him and visit his domain. This letter was sent on December 29, 1543 but  Humayun did not receive a reply as Mirza Askari’s forces were close by, pursuing him and he was forced  to cross Helmand and enter Sistan49. 

Bairam Beg was sent to Shah Tahmasp’s court as an envoy of Humayun on the request of Shah  Tahmasp who was impressed with his ancestry and his relation to Persia. Once there, he was received  with “great honor and pomp”50 not only by the governors and members of the court but also by his  relatives who were serving the court at this time. This meeting allowed Bairam to discuss further the  meeting between the two monarchs and how Shah Tahmasp could help Humayun51. The meeting between  the two monarchs however, was cold and Shah Tahmasp treated Humayun with great indifference even  though a grand reception had been held in Humayun’s honor where “nobles and grandees, low and high  great and small” had attended52. Shah Tahmasp even went further and suggested that if Humayun wanted  his help, he would have to declare himself of the Shi’i faith53. Bairam Beg and his other advisors, who  were there at the time, suggested a route of “moderation and compromise”54 and to accept Shah  Tahmasp’s request in the light of the circumstances in which Humayun had entered Persia. Humayun  reluctantly agreed to this compromise and became a Shi’i. It is not known whether he remained Shi’i after  his return to India in 1554 but it none the less allowed him to gain 12,000 soldiers under the command of  Prince Murad, the support he needed to win back his empire, thanks in no little part to the advice of  Bairam Beg. 

Through these actions, Bairam Beg comes onto the stage of history on his own, apart from his  ancestry, as an able minded individual who through his connections as a member of the Baharlu and his  actions in Shah Tahmasp’s court as well as in the presence of Humayun had allowed this mission to  succeed. He had impressed Shah Tahmasp that, after his reconciliation with Humayun, he privately  discussed with him about Humayun’s affairs55 and conferred on him the titles of “amir-i-mu’azzam”56 and  of Khan in recognition of his abilities. It can be said that the history of Humayun, in exile and in Persia is  not actually the history of Humayun but the history of Bairam Beg whose presence in the Safavid court  allowed the restoration of the Timurid Empire. 

 Another important reason why Bairam Beg should be considered the true founder of the Timurid  Empire in India was his military skills and actions which ensured the survival of the empire and secured it  from the Afghan threat during Humayun’s reign. During this time, Humayun had no obstacles to face in  his re-conquest plan. He was secure in Afghanistan having eliminated the threats that his brothers had  posed. Mirza Askari had been exiled in 1551, his other brother Mirza Hindal, a supporter of Mirza  Kamran, had been killed in battle and finally his “eternal enemy”57 Mirza Kamran had been blinded and  had left to go to Mecca. Sher Shah Sur had also died in 154558 thus paving the way for Humayun and  Bairam to gain easy access to northern India. 

The battle of Machiwara was the first battle that they had to face when entering India itself. The  Afghans were led by Nasib Khan, Tatar Khan and Mubarak Khan as well as other notables. Nasib Khan  had been ruling over Hariana and when Bairam Beg and his army had entered the area they were met by a  feeble resistance after which Nasib Khan had fled resulting in massive amount of money and goods  falling into the Timurid hands59. 

Nasib Khan and the others had regrouped in Sirhind and had begun marching towards  Machiwara. They had a larger army than the notables who were given governorships of certain areas  placed by Bairam. The most notable of them was Iskandar Khan Uzbeg. They had withdrawn and  returned to the camp of Humayun and Bairam citing a lack of manpower to face such a large threat60.  Bairam Beg then hastened to meet with the Afghans and finding on one opposing him had crossed the  river Sutlej in opposition to the advice of other commanders, namely Tardi Beg Khan who wanted to  defend and not cross the river. 

The Afghan army, which had numbered 30,000 horses61, had tried to prevent the crossing of  Bairam Beg but was slow in approaching the river and by the time they had arrived, Bairam Beg had  already crossed the river. Although the Timurid army was quite smaller than its opponents, it became a  battle of archery which resulted in a massive number of casualties for the Afghans62. The battle had lasted  all night at which time the Afghans trying to get an advantage over their enemy lit a couple of the  thatched house of a village nearby to get a better view of the enemy. However, this method failed, as the  light revealed their positions not the opponents. The Timurid forces were able to fire but the Afghan’s  could not retaliate back. As a result, an attack led by Bairam Beg succeeded in breaking the ranks of the  Afghans and the battle had been won. After this battle several titles were given to Bairam Beg such as  “Khan Khanan, Yar Wafadar, Hamdam Gjam-gusar, Biradar Niku-siyar and Farzand Sa’adatmand”63. 

Although a victory against the Afghan’s in India was not a decisive victory nor did it completely  eliminate the threat of Sher Shah Sur’s successor, Sikander Shah. Though he had supported the Afghans  in the battle of Machiwara by sending some of his troops to help the nobles, his main army had yet to do  battle with the Timurid forces. The true battle that truly decided the fate of India was the battle of Sirhind 

in which Sikander Shah’s forces would meet the forces led by Bairam and Humayun.  The defeat of Machiwara had greatly concerned Sikander Shah and so he had led his army into  the region of Sirhind where Bairam Beg and his army was stationed. Although the size of the armies is in dispute, Sikander Shah’s army was said to number 80,000 with horses, artillery and war elephants64.  Using the tactics of his father, he had dug a trench which surrounded his camp and fortified it. Bairam  Beg in contrast had only 700 to 800 horses to contest the forces of Sikander Shah and he remained to  defend the fort rather than leave and return with a larger force65. He had sent dispatches to Humayun  asking for reinforcements to face Sikander Shah and was first sent forces under Prince Akbar and then  Humayun led another force on May 28th, 155566. During this time, he had successfully held off the forces  of Sikander Shah and had even ordered repeated sallies to harass the enemy. 

The total combined forces of Timurids did not go over 10,000 troops which is again a disputed  number67. Bairam and Humayun in the face of such numbers had decided to reuse their plan that they had  used before against Bahadur Shah of Gujarat. As a part of their plan, Tardi Beg Khan was sent to  intercept the supply lines of Sikandar Shah’s army. He was successful and the raid had resulted in the  death of one of Sikander Shah’s brothers68. This forced the Afghans to abandon their fortifications and  meet the Timurids on the field. 

Once the two armies met, the Afghan forces had begun to concentrate on what they considered to  be the weakest part of the Timurid battle line, that of Bairam Beg’s, which if defeated it would be easier  to break the others69. However, Bairam Beg had erected defenses to protect his section of the battle line  and once on the defensive, the Afghans were unable to break his line. This had allowed other sections,  once again commanded by Tardi Beg Khan among other notables, to attack the Afghans in the rear70. This  resulted in mass confusion and panic eventually resulting in their flight. This enabled the Timurid forces   to kill many of the soldiers as they were fleeing and resulted in Sikander Shah being forced to flee to  Siwalik Hills71. 

The resulting action of this battle sealed who would rule India in the coming centuries. The  Afghans were beaten and in true Timurid fashion, the heads of those slain were used to erect a tower of  skulls72. It was not only the forces of Sikander Shah which were unable to challenge the Timurid forces  individually anymore, other Afghan forces such as those of Ibrahim Khan or Muhammad Adil Shah were  unable to fight against the Timurids after their victory. The only other power which could challenge the  Timurid empire was the army under the command of Himu, the Hindu merchant who was an advisor to  Muhammad Adil Shah, but otherwise the field was wide open for the Timurids to regain much of their  lands back. 

The corner stone in these victories which sealed the fate of the Afghans and of the Timurids in  India was Bairam Beg. His victory at Machiwara and his plans in the battle of Sirhand had restored the  Timurid empire to its full strength and had eliminated most of the prominent enemy who could challenge  the empire at this time. Humayun was well aware of Bairam’s actions which enabled him to regain the  throne and at ever victory Bairam was awarded titles after titles. It was Bairam Khan who had set the  stage for the Timurid resurrection. 

The final reason why Bairam Beg should be considered the true founder of the Indian Timurid  Empire was that through his regency of the Padishah Akbar he had stabilized the realm and had removed  the largest obstacles to the empire and transformed the realm from one of weakness which was left by  Humayun when he died on January 26th 1556 to one of strength and wealth that was further built on not  only by Akbar but his successors all the way to Aurangzeb. 

Bairam Beg’s actions, immediately after the death of Humayun and until Akbar was raised on the  throne, was one of quickness with a mind to stabilizing the empire before it well apart once again and  ruined all his effort. The situation before Bairam Beg was not easy. He was in Kalanawr where he was  conducting campaigns against the remnant forces of Sikandar Shah who were in the area73. The army was  small and in certain areas where it claimed rule, it could only enforce it by force, thus it was not very  stable. Another issue was that the army could never be fully trusted as it was mainly commanded by  “adventurers whose sole bond of union... [was] advantage during success”74. It was not only the internal  issues which Bairam Beg had to deal with. External issues such as that of Himu, the Hindu advisor who  was working in the name of the titular Afghan monarch, Muhammad Adil Shah, and the remnants of the  Sur family, who were still agitating for control of India75 also remained to defy the Timurids. 

Faced with these threats, he returned from Kalanawr and through the help of a visiting Ottoman  admiral, Sidi ‘Ali Rais, who assured the people at Lahore that Humayun was recovering76, he enthroned  Akbar on 2 Rabi-us-Sanu 963/14 February 1556 as the next Padishah of Timurid India. Bairam then  became the “Vakil-as-Saltanat”77 leaving him with all the authority in the affairs of the government and  who had complete civil and military powers in the realm. It is also to be noted how similar this is to the  actions taken by Temur-e-Lang upon raising a member of Chinggis Khan’s family to his throne78. 

The first pressing issue Bairam Beg wanted to deal with was that of Sikandar Shah and the Sur  family. He had sent a force under Pir Mohammad Khan to pursue him but Sikandar Shah had fled into the  Siwalik Hills once again without trying to confront the Timurid army79. Around this time a force under  Tardi Beg Khan had defeated one of Sikandar Shah’s prominent servants, Haji Khan, when he tried to lay  siege to Narnaul80. However, this operation had to be paused when a message came to Jullundur, where  Bairam and Akbar were overseeing the campaign against Sikandar Shah that Himu was advancing to 

 

Delhi in 8 Zil Hajj/13th October 155681. Their withdrawal did not end the campaign, it was instead given to  Khizr Khwaja Khan who proceeded to Lahore with his forces and stationed himself there82.   Tardi Beg Khan, who at this time was the governor of Delhi, had become alarmed at the size and  appearance of Himu’s army and had tried to gather reinforcements from nearby notables for help. Many  of them had thus gathered within Delhi to assess the situation and were divided on the course of action  they would take when Himu’s army began besieging them83. Some wanted to use the defensive position  they had within Delhi to oppose Himu and await for the army under Akbar and Bairam while other  decided to flee to regain an advantageous position and then come and fight Himu. However, the  discussions resulted in them deciding on fighting Himu84. 

 The battle which took place on the 7th of October 1556 resulted in the complete defeat of the  Timurid forces with Tardi Beg Khan fleeing from his position when Himu directly attacked it. Himu had  now gained complete control of Delhi and had marched and taken Agra as well85. He took on the title of  Raja Bikramajit86 and had forced the Afghan soldiers who were with his army to call him Shah Himu.  Abdul Fazl described him as coming from the lowly Dhusur tribe and had having neither “rank (hasb) nor  race (nasab), nor beauty of form (surat) nor noble qualities (seerat)”87. 

 Bairam did not waste any time and marched onwards to Delhi with Akbar in tow to reclaim both  of these important cities and remove Himu as a threat to the state. As they advanced they had met with the  advanced force of Himu commanded by Mubarak Khan and Bahadur Khan at Panipat88. These forces  were defeated and Bairam’s army was able to capture Turkish artillery which had been in Himu’s army.

 The victory over the advance guard had not calmed the fears of Bairam, who saw that the defeat  and fleeing of Tardi Beg Khan had a negative effect on the notables. He therefore held a magnificent  darbar where “rich presents and robes of honor”89 where given as well as granting them favors from  Akbar in the future. Bairam also gave a speech to the nobles telling them that each one of them should  “do your best”90 and that once Himu was defeated there was no other force that could stop them from  conquering more of northern India. He finally stated that their belief and trust in God should be supreme  as if they were defeated they would “not be able to find asylum”91. 

 The two armies met on 2 Muharram 964/5 November 1556 at the plains of Panipat where Babur  had once defeated the Delhi Sultans and had opened up India for his conquest. Once again this plain was  the site of another historic battle. The battle itself was not a one sided affair as both armies struggled with 

fighting each other on equal terms. However, the tide of battle was turned once Himu was hit in the eye  by an errant arrow92. He was able to continue for a while but then had succumbed to the wound and had  fell “unconscious on the saddle”93. This had shaken Himu’s army and as a result their morale broke and  they fled. They were pursued by the Timurid soldiers who, once captured, “where put to the sword”94. 

 The end result of this battle was the complete destruction of one of the most powerful  oppositional forces that Bairam and his charge Akbar had faced and had set about the real consolidation  of the empire. This was not only a victory for the Timurid empire in India but a victory for Bairam as  well. It consolidated his power and had shown those who had doubted that his military skill, in defeating  a major obstacle like Himu, was very much on the assent rather than on the decline. 

The execution of Himu had also played a pivotal role. Himu, the self confessed Raja and Shah,  was captured and brought before Bairam and Akbar. Bairam suggested that Akbar slay Himu as this was  his first victory against the infidel and he could acquire “merit by holy combat”95. Akbar, on the order of  Bairam Beg had struck Himu thus granting him further titles such as ghazi and gaining the reward of the  jihad. However, it was Bairam who actually delivered the death blow which beheaded Himu96. This  resulted in not only Akbar receiving the titles, but consolidated Bairam’s position as well as a warrior  against the infidels. It had also cemented the Indian Timurid empire as a strong and viable Islamic empire  that had no qualms about going to holy war when threatened. It had also eliminated any hope of Hindu  ascendency in the face of Timurid power and had sealed the fate of India. 

After the battle one last pressing concern remained that of Sikander Shah. During Himu’s  conquest of Delhi and Agra he used his period of turmoil to gather the Afghan soldiers who had been  scattered and create alliance with the land holders and was able to direct the revenue to his domain. Khizr  Khan in response to this event had left his camp at Lahore and proceeded to meet Sikander in the hopes of  correcting the situation. However, the advance guard that he had sent had been defeated by Sikander’s  forces and instead of pressing the attack, Khizr Khan had retreated back to Lahore to regroup97. 

This victory had emboldened Sikander Shah who set out to gather more revenue from the areas  near his quarter. After his defeat at Sirhind he had seemed to be sidelined for more pressing matters and  his own personal power had seemed insignificant. His recent victory however, had shown the Timurids  that he was still someone that could threaten what Bairam Beg had built so far. When the news had  arrived at Delhi, Bairam and Akbar left immediately after gathering a large force to deal with him once  and for all and completely remove the Afghan threat. 

When they had reached Jullundur Sikandar Shah did not give battle but instead once again  withdrew back to Siwalik, a mountainous area where it would be hard to follow. However, Bairam Beg  did not relent and pursued him there resulting in Sikandar Shah fleeing to the fort of Mankot. Once in Siwalik they set about dealing with the local hill people and the zamidars who had joined Sikandar Shah’s  camp98. Having chastised those who gave their support to him, the Timurid army marched to the fort of  Mankot. It was one of the most impregnable forts in India99. It had no abundant supply of water or food  for the besiegers, was extremely difficult to assault having walls comprised of “stone and mortar…the  whole fortification seemed like one fort”100. 

Akbar, meanwhile, had tried of his duties and had left to meet the ladies of the royal court who  had entered northern India from Kabul101 and thus once again showed that the security and foundation of  the empire was not his concern, thus he played his role of a puppet ruler quite well. 

The siege of Mankot lasted six grueling months and could have lasted for much longer except for  the ingenuity of Bairam Beg. Sikandar Shah, still having hopes that the Afghans would unite under his  banner against the Timurids, had sought out outside help, namely from the Afghan landlords, such as  Rukn Khan Lohani, Hasan Khan Backoli and Jalal Khan Sur as well as Himu’s former employer,  Muhammad Adil Shah. However, Bairam had anticipated these moves and had sent out Khizr Khan to  Bengal to oppose Muhammad Adil Shah which resulted in his defeat and death at Chunar102. Ali Quli  Khan, who was currently the Khan Zaman, defeated Rukn Khan Lohani, Hasan Khan Backoli and Jalal  Khan Sur near Lucknow103. When the results of these battles were known, it not only alarmed the  Afghans, it demoralized them to such an extent that prominent nobles of Sikandar Shah had begun to  desert to the Timurid camp. 

Sikandar Shah had now lost any hope of success. His men were demoralized, food was  diminishing and his nobles and prominent men were fleeing to the Timurids. As such, he had sent his men  to Akbar, who had recently arrived back from his foray with the royal women, to settle the terms of  surrender. He would only surrender if his offensives were pardoned, Kharid and Bihar were to become his  jagirs and he was to leave Timurid territory and his son and one of the prominent men would be left as  hostage to the court in return for his “good conduct in the future”104. These terms, though it would seem  hardly harsh, were accepted on the 27th of Ramzan, 964/24th May 1557 and the fort was abandoned and he  left for Kharid where after two years he died105. 

The defeat and subsequent death of Sikandar Shah had left the Timurids with no viable  opposition remaining which had enabled the further conquest of the rest of northern India to go on  relatively easily. The elimination of the major opposition to the Timurid rule can all be traced back to one  individual, Bairam Beg. It was his skill, not only in military matters but administratively as well, which  enabled the smooth transition from a relatively weak dynasty during Humayun’s death to a strong dynasty  which was able to last for centuries. 

It should be noted however, that these events were not the only methods that Bairam Beg had  used to consolidate Timurid rule. His executions of a number of prominent notables, like Tardi Beg Khan  and others106 had secured the realm from those that had once deserted Humayun during his time of need or  had otherwise brought unneeded harm to the Indian Timurid empire. In the case of Tardi Beg Khan, it  was both these matters which resulted in his execution107. These deaths had once again, like in the times of  Babur, had forced the notables into a position of extreme obedience and loyalty to the throne. Had he not  done so, the empire could never have truly relied on stalwart individuals to defend and defy the enemy in  its time of need. 

At the moment of strength however, there were forces that had been jealous of his power, not  only as a regent, but on his influence on Akbar. The question does come up on whether this movement  was backed or supported by Akbar himself or not. Evidence however, does point to his knowing of the  plot and his tact approval of the methods used108 to ouster Bairam Khan from his position. With the  flowering of the plot, Bairam Beg was forced to rebel, trying to free Akbar from these sinister forces and  try to regain his position. In the end it had failed and his ignominious murder at the hands of Lohani  Afghans was a pitiful end to such a glorious founder of the Indian Timurid empire. 

The three reasons listed above, his role in the meeting between the two houses of power, his  battles to destroy the Afghans which allowed the Timurids to enter northern India once more and finally  his removal of the two biggest opponent to Timurid power proves that neither Humayun nor Akbar had  the mettle to create an empire without significant foundations that were built by Bairam Beg. Akbar, the  Padishah who everyone views as enlightened, would be nothing without Bairam Beg actually establishing  his groundwork which enabled him to go on frivolous pursuits like the Din-i-Ilahi. The empire of Babur  had ended when Humayun had lost it due to his inability to effectively govern and this new empire was  built on the back of Bairam Beg’s efforts. Like his ancestors before him, he was made from the same  mold as conquerors and empire builders, thus making him the true founder of the second Timurid Empire,  an achievement that no one else can claim to. 

Notes

1 Sukumar Ray, Bairam Khan, Edited by M.H.A. Beg (Karachi: University of Karachi Press, 1992), 3.  2 Ibid., 4. 

3 Ibid., 4. 

4 Ibid., 3.

5 Ibid., 3. 

6 Sukumar Ray, Bairam Khan, Edited by M.H.A. Beg (Karachi: University of Karachi, 1992), 3.  7 John E. Woods, The Aqquyunlu: Clan, Confederation, Empire (Salt Lake City: The University of Utah Press, 1999),  84.

8 Ray, Bairam Khan, 96. 

9 Ibid., 4. 

10 Ibid., 4. 

11 Ibid., 4. 

12 Ibid., 4.

13 Ibid., 4. 

14 Ibid., 5. 

15 Sukumar Ray, Bairam Khan, Edited by: M.H.A. Beg (Karachi: University of Karachi, 1992), 5.  16 Ibid., 5. 

17 Ibid., 5. 

18 Ibid., 5. 

19 Ibid., 5. 

20 Ibid., 6.

21 John E. Woods, The Aqquyunlu: Clan, Confederation, Empire (Salt Lake City: The University of Utah Press, 1999),  112.

22 Ibid., 112. 

23 Sukumar Ray, Bairam Khan, Edited by: M.H.A. Beg (Karachi: University of Karachi, 1992), 6. 24 Ibid., 6. 

25 Sukumar Ray, Bairam Khan, Edited by M.H.A. Beg (Karachi: University of Karachi, 1992), 6.  26 Ibid., 6. 

27 Ibid., 6. 

28 Ibid., 7. 

29 Ibid., 7.

30 Ibid., 8. 

31 Ibid., 14. 

32 Ibid., 14. 

33 Ibid., 8. 

34 Sukumar Ray, Bairam Khan, Edited by M.H.A. Beg (Karachi: University of Karachi, 1992), 15.  35 Ibid., 15. 

36 Ibid., 16.

 

37 Longworth Dames M., Morgenstierne, G., Ghushman, R. ͞AfghaŶistaŶ͟, Encyclopedia of Islam, 2nd Edition Edited  by: P. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C.E Bosworth, E. van Donzel and W.P. Heinrichs (Liden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2006),  222.

38 Ray, Bairam Khan, 16. 

39 Ibid., 16. 

40 Ibid., 16. 

41 Ibid., 28. 

42 Sukumar Ray, Bairam Khan, Edited by: M.H.A. Beg (Karachi, University of Karachi, 1992), 42.

43 Douglas E. Streusand, Islamic Gunpowder Empires: Ottomans, Safavids, and Mughals (Boulder, Colorado:  Westview Press, 2011), 213. 

44 Ray, Bairam Khan, 70. 

45 Ibid., 70. 

46 Ibid., 70.

47 Ibid., 70. 

48 Ibid., 71.

49 Sukumar Ray, Bairam Khan, Edited by: M.H.A. Beg (Karachi: University of Karachi, 1992), 72.  50 Ibid., 75. 

51 Ibid., 75. 

52 Gul-Badan Begum, Humayun-Nama, trans. Annette S. Beveridge (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2008), 169.  53 Ray, Bairam Khan, 77. 

54 Ibid., 77.

 

55 Sukumar Ray, Bairam Khan, Edited by: M.H.A. Beg (Karachi: University of Karachi, 1992), 82. 56 Ibid., 112. 

57 Ibid., 112. 

58 Douglas E. Streusand, Islamic Gunpowder Empires: Ottomans, Safavids, and Mughals, (Boulder, Colorado:  Westview Press, 2011), 213. 

59 Ray, Bairam Khan, 116.

60 Ibid., 116. 

61 Sukumar Ray, Bairam Khan, Edited by: M.H.A. Beg (Karachi, University of Karachi, 1992), 117.  62 Ibid., 117. 

63 Ibid., 118.

64 Ibid., 118. 

65 Ibid., 118. 

66 Sukumar Ray, Bairam Khan, Edited by: M.H.A. Beg (Karachi, University of Karachi, 1992), 119.  67 Ray, Bairam Khan, 119. 

68 Ibid., 119. 

69 Ibid., 119. 

70 Ibid., 120.

 

71 Ibid., 120. 

72 Ibid., 129.

73 Dƌ. “adiƋ Ali Gill, ͞Baiƌaŵ KhaŶ: The Buildeƌ of Mughal Eŵpiƌe͟, Pakistan Vision 3(2002): 3.  74 Sukumar Ray, Bairam Khan, Edited by: M.H.A. Beg (Karachi: University of Karachi, 1992), 129.  75 Ibid., 129. 

76 Ibid., 129. 

77 Sukumar Ray, Bairam Khan, Edited by: M.H.A. Beg (Karachi, University of Karachi, 1992), 129.  78 Peter B. Golden, Central in World History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 95.  79 Ray, Bairam Khan, 132. 

80 Ibid., 132.

81 Ibid., 133. 

82 Ibid., 149. 

83 Ibid., 135. 

84 Ibid., 135. 

85 Ibid., 145. 

86 Sukumar Ray, Bairam Khan, Edited by: M.H.A. Beg (Karachi: University of Karachi, 1992), 144. 87 Abu-l-Fazl, The Akbar Nama, vol. 1-2 trans. H. Beveridge (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2005), 499.  88 Ray, Bairam Khan, 144.

89 Ibid., 144. 

90 Ibid., 144. 

91 Ibid., 144. 

92 Ibid., 145. 

93 Ibid., 145. 

94 Ibid., 145.

95 Abu-l-Fazl, The Akbar Nama, vol. 1-2 trans. H. Beveridge (Lahore: Sang-E-Meel Publications, 2005), 589.  96 Ibid., 590. 

97 Sukumar Ray, Bairam Khan, Edited by: M.H.A. Beg (Karachi: University of Karachi, 1992), 150.

98 Sukumar Ray, Bairam Khan, Edited By: M.H.A. Beg (Karachi, University of Karachi, 1992), 150.  99 Ibid., 151. 

100 Ibid., 150. 

101 Ibid., 151. 

102 Ibid., 151. 

103 Ibid., 151.

104 Ibid., 152. 

105 Ibid., 152. 

106 Qazi Mukhtaƌ Ahŵad, ͞Was Baiƌaŵ KhaŶ a Rebel?,͟ Islamic Culture 21(1947), 56. 

107 Ibid., 65.

108 Ibid., 65.