SHIVAJI

By G. S. Sardesai

The main contents of this article are as follows

• The Rise of the Bhosles 
• Shivaji’s Early Life 
• The First Experiment in Swaraj 
• First Conflict 
• Independence Takes Shape 
• Afzal Khan Overcome 
• Shayista Khan and Plunder of Surat
• ShivajI Submits to Jay Singh 
• The Wonderful Escape 
• A Fresh Wave of Fanaticism 265
• The Grand Coronation 
• The Last Great Venture in Karnatak 
• ShambhujI’s Defection and Death of ShivajI 
• Conclusion

I. THE RISE OF THE BHOSLES

The origin of the Bhosle (also called Bhonsle) clan of the Maratha caste and even the derivation of their name are shrouded in mystery. They claimed descent from the Sisodia Ranas of Chitor and Udaipur, and possibly a branch of their family migrated to the south after the kingdom of Chitor had been devastated by Ala-ud din Khaljl early in the fourteenth century.1 So far as the Maratha history is concerned, the Yadavas of Devagiri, later named Daulata bad, the Bhosles of Verul and the Nimbalkars of Phaltan near Palara, are the three Maratha families which are connected with the rise of Shivaji. Of these, the Yadavas were the descendants of the re¬ nowned rulers of Devagiri who were subjugated by ‘Ala-ud-din Khalji of Delhi towards the end of the thirteenth century. The descendants of this ruling Yadava family took service with the Nizam Shahis of Ahmadnagar. This city was invaded and captured by the Emperor Akbar in 1600, and the Nizam Shah! kingdom was on the point of extinction, when an able organizer named Malik ‘Ambar, an Abyssinian minister of that State, came to its rescue. ‘Ambar made friends with the Hindus and, using their best talent and co¬ operation both for war and administration, he improved the reve¬ nues of that kingdom and successfully opposed the Mughul advance for a quarter of a century. In this grand political struggle Shivajl’s father, Shahji, and grandfather, Maloji, were closely associated with Malik ‘Ambar, so that they gradually realized their strength and asserted their power in the course of time. 

Lukhji Jadhava of Devagiri had a clever daughter named Jija Bai, who was married in 1605 to Maloji Bhosle’s son, S-hahji, a brave soldier of fortune, who long exerted himself in upholding the fall¬ ing fortunes of the Nizam Shahi against the Mughul onslaught.2 

Maratha history in its initial stages is, thus, an unbroken struggle of three generations of the Mughul emperors striving to put down the three generations of the Bhosle family. In this trial of strength, Maloji and his son, Shahji, prepared the ground, of which Shivfaji, the offspring of Shahji and Jija Bai, took advantage. The three emperors, Jahangir, Shah Jahan and Aurangzib, attempted to subjugate the Deccan and the Bhosles stood forth to defend it, although the parties were unevenly matched, the Bhosles being poor in resources compared with the might of the emperors. MalojI and Shahji acquired lands under the Nizam Shah! regime, rendering service in return. The Bhosles soon made themselves indispensable to the rulers of the Nizam Shahi State. ‘Ambar patronized them and used their services in keeping the Mughuls at bay. In the battle of Bhatvadi near Ahmadnagar in 1624 Malik ‘Ambar inflicted a crush¬ ing defeat upon the combined armies of Delhi and Bijapur. Shahji, who took part in this battle, won distinction and gained valuable ex¬ perience. Thereafter for several years Shahji ably defended the Nizam Shahi State against the all-powerful Shah Jahan. Shah Jahlan, after years of war, succeeded in 1636 in extinguishing the king¬ dom of Ahmadnagar and expelling Shahji from his homeland. The latter sought service under the Sultan of Bijapur on condition that he should no longer live in Maharashtra. 

Shahjl’s later life was spent in the regions once ruled by the Hindu sovereigns of Vijayanagara which had been devastated by the Muslims in 1565. Later on, when Shahji established his posi¬ tion at Bangalore and Kanakagiri, he had to deal with the various Hindu chieftains of the old Vijayanagara State. Here he imbibed the tradition of Hindu independence and resistance to Muslim aggression. Shahjl’s wife, Jija Bai, carried in her vein a similar tradition of her Yadava ancestors. Thus their son ShivlajI was fired from early days with the same spirit of independence. Shahji died in 1664 in Bijapur service by an accident while hunting. 

II. SHIVAJl’S EARLY LIFE 

ShivajI was born on 6 April, 1627, in the fort of Shivner near Junnar.3 His mother Jijia. Bai gave birth to six sons, of whom the eldest, SambhajI, and the youngest, ShivajI, alone grew up to old age. Shahji and his father-in-law, LukhjI, often faced each other in open battles, as the latter deserted his master Nizam Shah and joined the Mughul emperor. But the spirited lady, like a pious wife, elected to follow her husband’s fortunes and refused to go to her father’s home for her delivery, when picked up by him after a battle on a high road in her advanced pregnancy. In that sad plight she took her residence in fort Shivner, then under her husband’s jurisdiction. In this fort was ShivajI born. Her eldest son, SambhajI, lived with his father and shared his labour in Bija¬ pur service. Shahji thereafter deserted Jija Biai and married a second wife, Tukabai, of the Mohite family of Supa. She gave birth to a son named EkojI or Vyankojl, who later became the founder of the kingdom of Tanjore. When hard pressed by the emperor Shah Jahan in 1636, Shahji had to flee for life after entrusting the management of his paternal jagir of Poona and the care of his wife Jija Bai and her young son Shivaji to his trusted agent DadlajI Kondadev, a clever officer in Bijapur, who discharged the duty of guardianship most creditably. 

The early life of Shivaji was full of peril and adventure. For the first nine years of his life, a period of war conducted by his father against the Mughul emperor, the young boy and his mother had to wander from place to place in imminent danger of being captured and punished. Shah Jahan’s officers succeeded in captur¬ ing Jija Bai, but she cleverly managed to have her son concealed in an out of the way village. Later, she was released on payment of a large fine. It was in 1636 when a formal treaty was conclud¬ ed that the son and the mother found a safe and settled residence at Poona where Dadaji built them a commodious house, Ldl Mahal, as it later came to be known in history. Here Shivaji! lived for some ten years, until they removed to their newly built fort Rjaigarh, which became his first capital for the original jagir. Twenty years later, about 1667, Raigarh became the formal resi¬ dence of Shivaji, where his coronation took place. 

The common education of those days was imparted to Shivaji as soon as he came into a settled life. He was taught reading, writing and arithmetic,33 and heard portions of the Ramayana and Mahabharata expounded to him by the family preceptors. He was fond of Harikirtana and devotional music, and attended the sermons of Sant Tukailam, then living and preaching in the vicinity of Poona. Shivaji received his best education, not through books and classes as in the present day, but in the wide world, by personal contact and practical experience. Intense love of religion was a trait he developed by the sight of Muslim atrocities and the reports he heard about them. He later introduced compulsory recitations of the war chapters of the Ramayana by all his fort garrisons. 

Shivaji’s success in life was, however, mainly due to hard and incessant knocks he had to share with his mother in his early days. Proud of her Kshatriya extraction, with vivid memories of her royal ancestors of Devagiri and their splendour, chastened by years of suffering ever since her marriage and now practically deserted by the husband, this spirited lady developed in her son a spirit of defiance and self-assertion and became to him a veritable guardian angel. All her life’s ambition and solace now entirely centered in this boy’s well-being and good fortune. Shahji had defied a powerful emperor for years; why may not the son imitate the same course? 

The mother and the boy constantly talked of wild plans which the shrewd Dadaji wholeheartedly supported. In addition, he impart¬ ed to Shivaji his own tact and circumspection gained during the course of his management of the Poona jagir, which in itself supplied a ready field for experiment. Dadaji was not merely a clerk or a competent accountant. A strict disciplinarian and taskmaster, he was, in addition, a noble character, well versed in the politics of the day with a buoyant spirit for organizing national resources and a hatred for foreign domination with its persecution of the Hindus. He had long served the Bhosle family through weal and woe as their trusted friend and adviser. He was imbued with a deep love for the peasantry and felt a keen anxiety for ameliorating their lot. 

Thus the young Shivaji looked up to these two, his mother and the guardian, for guidance in life. The secluded hilly regions of the Mavals (the western valleys of Poona) offered him plenty of outdoor occupation and opportunity for adventure. Constant ex¬ posure to rain, sun and cold and the rough life in the midst of wild nature hardened the young boy’s body and mind. Riding, wrestling, spear-games, swordsmanship, swimming through torrential streams, became his main occupation and he developed from his early childhood an intimate comradeship with man and nature away from the temptations of vice and luxury of court life. He made friends with companions of his age and wandered with them through hills and dales, organizing measures for defence. The art of dis¬ guise was in those days highly perfected for purposes of protection and the needs of life. Shivaji himself could dexterously imitate the voices of birds and beasts. He could quickly cover long dis¬ tances on foot or riding, eluding pursuit and enduring privations. His rambles were intensive and deliberate for acquainting himself with secret paths, recesses and strongholds of the long Sahyadri range of the Deccan plateau. With eyes and ears ever alert, he gained first-hand knowledge of the sentiments of the people, their joys and sorrows, their occupations and resources, their needs and comforts. 

Dadaji’s first concern was to make Shivaji a real master of the people. He gave him useful hints as to how he should appear pro¬ perly attired and behave among assemblages of village panchayats and on public occasions. Dadaji proclaimed to the people that they were to look up to Shivaji for all their needs as well as for the redress of their grievances. 

III. THE FIRST EXPERIMENT IN SWARAJ 

The jdgir entrusted by ShahjI to the care of Jija Bal and Dadaji extended over the regions known as the Mavals mentioned above, namely the valleys to the west of Poona, roughly extending from Junnar to Wai. Dadaji raised a local militia for guarding the lives and property of the inhabitants and, along with Shivaji, toured the villages making inquiries and deciding disputes on the spot. The land revenue system, initiated by Akbar under the directions of Todarmal, had been already adopted in the Deccan by Malik ‘Ambar and now Dadaji adopted it for the territories of the jdgir. Dadaji took measures to destroy wild animals that damaged the crops; fresh lands were brought under cultivation; gardening and tree-planting were specially encouraged. All this work of development which greatly enhanced the welfare of the people and were carried out in ShivajI’s presence and in his name proved for him a valuable prepa¬ ration in practical methods of government in his future life. It fostered a sense of emulation and self-help among the people, eli¬ minated their usual lethargy and despair, and instilled into them a bright new hope. Friends and comrades of varied capacities quickly flocked round the new boy-master to share his labours, willing to make any sacrifice that might be demanded. ShivajI’s vision ex¬ panded. He began to dream of grand prospects outside the limits of his jdgir. He held secret consultations with his comrades in arms, planning to make fresh acquisitions, repairing buildings, garrisons and forts, raising funds by daring night attacks on private and public treasures. Buried wealth was cleverly traced and carried away. It became a strong belief throughout the land that Goddess BhavanI appeared before the young hero and communicated to him the exact location of secret hoards. Earnest work earned quick results. 

Shivaji possessed a persuasive tongue with which he at once won peoples’ hearts. He was alert and foremost in jumping into a risk and facing the consequences. He held secret conferences with his companions and anxiously deliberated on the liberation of his homeland from Muslim control so as to put an end to the wanton persecution of the Hindus. Shivajl’s court historian thus summarizes his sentiments: 

“Why should we remain content with what the Muslim rulers choose to give us? We are Hindus. This whole country is ours by right, and is yet occupied and held by foreigners. They desecrate our temples, break holy idols, plunder our wealth, convert us forcibly to their religion, carry away our women folk and children, slay the cows and inflict a thousand wrongs upon us. We will suffer this treatment no more. We possess strength in our arms. Let us draw the sword in defence of our sacred religion, liberate our country and acquire new lands and wealth by our own effort. Are we not as brave and capable as our ancestors of yore? Let us undertake this holy mission and God will surely help us. All human efforts are so helped. There is no such thing as good luck and ill luck. We are the captains of our fortunes and the makers of our freedom.”4 

The pious Jija Bai blessed these sentiments. She daily wit¬ nessed how complete darkness prevailed under Muslim government, where there was no law, no justice; the officials acted as they pleased. Violation of women’s honour, murders and forcible conversions were the order of the day. News of demolition of temples, cow-slaughter and other atrocities poured upon the ears of that lady so constantly that she used to exclaim: “Can we not remedy this evil? Will not my son have the strength to come forth boldly to resist it?” The Nizam Shah had openly murdered Jija Bai’s father, his brothers and sons. Bajaji Nimbalkar, the ruler of Phaltan, a scion of the old Paramara race, was forcibly converted by the Sultan of Bijapur. The Hindus could not lead an honourable life. This spectacle moved the lady and her son to righteous indignation. An intense feeling of revolt took possession of their minds. Shivaji prayed for strength, dreamt bright visions and entered upon a wild career full of hope and promise without caring for consequences. He possessed an in¬ born capacity of judging the character of men almost at first sight. He mixed with all kinds of men and picked up suitable helpmates, and converted to his views even those who were leading evil lives. His sympathy and selflessness and his earnest endeavour to serve his land appealed to all, so that within a few years the contrast became glaring between the improved conditions of his paternal jdglr and the disorder prevailing in the Muslim-ruled region outside. Soon a compact, well-knit geographical unit of a small swarajya came into being in which law and order prevailed, duties of officials were clearly defined, justice quickly rendered, honest work well rewarded and where life and wealth were perfectly secure. All this had pro¬ found effect upon the ruling class and even Shivajfs father in far-off Bangalore. 

IV. FIRST CONFLICT 

Shahji was employed by ‘Adil Shah in the conquest of the Kar natak regions, which once formed part of the Vijayanagara empire. Shahji thus became the helpless instrument for conquering the Hindus and pouring the wealth of Hindu shrines into the Muslim coffers of Bijapur. Stories of this fresh spoliation reached the ears of Jija Bai and Shivaji and caused them extreme distress. In the meantime, the activities of Shivaji and DadajI in the Maval lands enraged the ruling authorities of Bijapur and induced them to take prompt measures to put down the revolt. ShahjI felt extreme annoy¬ ance at the turn the affairs were taking both in his own sphere at Bangalore and in the Deccan. Jija Bai and DadajI had Shivaji married about the year 1640 to a girl from the Nimbalkar family, named Saibai. Soon after this event, the atmosphere became tense for ShahjI as mentioned above. His own position as a loyal servant of Bijapur and his son’s revolt could not go together. Very pro¬ bably, ShahjI was called upon to account for the impropriety and asked to restrain his son. As Shivaji was yet too young to appear as the author of the mischief, the mother and the regent DadajI were held mainly responsible for the reported disloyalty and sedi¬ tion. In such circumstances, ShahjI invited to Bangalore, for a per¬ sonal deliberation, Jija B>ai and DadajI under the plea that he was anxious to see his newly wedded daughter-in-law and his young son. The party was away from home for nearly two years (1642-43), when the whole family and establishment of ShahjI met together at Banga¬ lore. ShahjI, one may gather, discussed the situation fully and freely. Jija Bai, finding it awkward to put forth any decided plan of action, employed her sojourn, it seems, in visiting the famous shrines of the south and avoided discussion. She certainly felt no regret for the revolt her son was organizing in the interest of na¬ tional honour. The authorities of Bijapur fully knew what was going on. ‘Adil Shah commanded ShahjI to pay a personal visit to his court at Bijapur with all his family and there receive the Govern¬ ment’s decision on the course to be followed in future. ShahjI there¬ fore paid a visit to Bijapur about the year 1643, and spent some time there in answering charges preferred against himself and his manage¬ ment of the Poona jdgir. The defiance attributed to Shivaji in not making the prescribed bow when he attended the Darbdr, appears to have occurred at this time. It was also during this visit that Shivaji is said to have restrained a butcher slaughtering a cow in a public thoroughfare. Small though in itself, the incident reveals the audacious and uncompromising trait in ShivajI’s character. When he perceived a vital wrong being perpetrated, he at once punished the wrong-doer, reckless of consequences. At Bijapur, Shivaji retaliated the outrage on a cow and would perhaps have been imprisoned had he not managed to run away unnoticed to his homeland. He lost no time upon his return in forming an independent State of his own wherein full political and religious freedom would prevail with¬ out molestation from the Muslim overlords. While at Bangalore the subject was doubtless fully discussed and again also at Bijapur, with what outcome we have no means of knowing. It seems there was no way for a compromise. The father and the son probably formed an understanding between them how best to ward off the danger1 ap¬ prehended from the Bijapur atrocities. The father would answer that he was not responsible for what his son did and that he was powerless to punish him. This was indeed the reality. At heart, Shahjl probably approved the way the son was following and even encouraged him by lending him some trained loyal officials from Bangalore to organize a proper government for the jdglr. Elephants, infantry, cavalry with flags and insignia of royalty, in addition to the treasure for immediate need, were, say Parmanand and Sabha sad, despatched from Bangalore by Shahjl for his son’s use. Shyam rao Nilakanth Peshwla, Sonopant Dabir and other officials of Shahjl’s trust were sent for duty in Maharashtra. 

How money was collected for this venture and how ingeniously the plan was put into execution by gradual steps and careful fore¬ thought must now be told. Seven years of efficient management of the Maval jagir now began to yield fruit in the shape of a regular sub¬ stantial income, which Shivaji utilized in maintaining infantry, re¬ pairing and garrisoning forts and improving the administrative machinery. Already a band of young enthusiastic comrades flocked around him to share his labours and execute his commands. One such wTas Kanhoji Jedhe,5 Deshmukh of Kari, a leading and respectable chieftain in the employ of Bijapur and well known to the Bhosles for a long time. With Kanhoji’s help, Shivaji, after his return from Bijapur, easily acquired possession of all the twelve Maval forts, west of Poona, along with fort Rohida and fort Sinhgarh which he strongly garrisoned. He immediately started building a new fort which he named Raigarh and made it the principal seat of his govern¬ ment. These activities during the two years 1644-1645 could no longer be concealed from the knowledge of the Shah of Bijapur, who took immediate steps to restrain DadajI and disgrace Shahjl. The Shah called upon Kanhoji Jedhe to remain faithful on pain of death. 

Shivaji replied to the Shah’s challenge, saying that he was not disloyal; he was merely putting his turbulent lands in a state of defence and bringing peace so essential for the development of this hilly country. Shivaji was, however, busy, running from place to place, securing recruits for his plan, forming friendships, encourag¬ ing, persuading, threatening and coercing people so that they soon be¬ gan to talk of him as a heaven-sent leader. In 1646 the Shah of Bijapur was attacked by paralysis which kept him bed-ridden throughout the remaining decade of his life, an incident which directly favoured the task of Shivaji. 

V. INDEPENDENCE TAKES SHAPE 

Shivaji’s guardian, Dadaji Kondadev, died in 1647 and left Shivaji entirely to his own resources. He now set about his work with greater vigour and allowed no break in his undertaking. He soon managed to capture two strong forts near Poona, Chakan in the north and Purandar in the east, both of great strategic importance. The guardian of Purandar was one Nilopant Sarnaik, a long-standing friend of the Bhosle family whose shelter Shivaji sought during the rains of 1648. When, during the Divali celebration of that year Shivaji and his family were admitted into the fort as friendly guests, Shivaji managed to persuade his host and his brothers to accept him as their master, resigning their traditional service to Bijapur. This illustrates to what different artifices Shivaji had recourse in accom¬ plishing his object. 

Next, Shivlaji one dark 'night surprised Sambhaji Mohite of Supa, an important wealthy mart, south-east of Poona. Sambhaji Mohite’s sister, Tukabiai, was the second wife of Shahji and so Shivaji’s step-mother. Sambhaji offered but little resistance. He was captured and despatched to Bangalore, as an undesirable neigh¬ bour. 

Shivaji had now two main objects in view,—first, to secure the utmost welfare of the people in his charge, and secondly, to have well-guarded frontiers which he could easily hold. He was careful not to attempt any expansion at the sacrifice of security. He pro¬ claimed his independence in a curious fashion. He began to use a new seal on all official papers issued by him with a significant motto, which ran thus:6 “This seal of Shiva, son of Shah, shines forth for the welfare of the people and is meant to command increasing res¬ pect from the universe like the first phase of the moon.” This seal is found attached to papers dating 1648 onward, so that one may conclude that this novel plan of Shivaji began to take shape about that year. 

Similarly papers are found in which Shivaji’s title Chhatrapati and the seals of his ministers thereon are mentioned.63 This proves that a small cohesive independent State with ministers and officials charged with definite duties came into being some time before 1653, although the final shape took many years to be completed and was announced only at the time of his formal coronation. 

A serious danger, however, threatened the whole project. Bijapur could not take all this lying down. In 1648 the Adil Shahl forces led by Mustafa Khan, under whom served Shahji, were fighting before the fort of Gingee. One night, the chief commander Mustafa suddenly raided Shahji’s camp and made him a captive under the orders of the Shah. He was then sent to Bijapur for trial and threatened with death if he did not restrain his son Shivaji from the wicked course he was following. Shahji was then called upon to restore Sinhgarh and Bangalore, the former held by Shivaji and the latter by his elder son SambhajL This was the move the king of Bijapur adopted to crush Shahji and his two rebellious sons. The father accordingly wrote to ShivajI to give back Sinhgarh and save his life. The elder son Sambhaji also was similarly ap¬ proached in regard to Bangalore. At the same time, Bijapur forces arrived at both these places to put down the rebellious brothers and take charge of the two important posts. The two brothers fought valiantly at both places and maintained their positions, in¬ flicting severe losses upon the opponents. But Shahji was a pri¬ soner in Bijapur upon whom the Sultan could easily wreak his vengeance. Shahji wrote pressing Shivaji to save his life by restor¬ ing Sinhgarh. Jija Bai interceded with Shivaji for saving her hus¬ band’s life and reluctantly the latter yielded and gave back the fort to Bijapur.7 

In the heart of the Maval country there ruled an ancient Deshmukh family named More in Satara District with their seat of authority in Javli in the Mahabalesvar range. Proud of their allegiance to Bijapur, the Mores moved heaven and earth to put down this new Bhosle upstart, of a low origin in their estimation. So the inevitable clash came as Shivaji could not allow such an ini¬ mical rival to remain as his neighbour. For years, Shivaji used all his arts of persuasion and amity, as he had done in other cases before, in persuading the Mores to fall in with his plan of national uplift. Failing to conciliate them, Shivaji ultimately made up his mind to teach the Mores a lesson such as others could never forget. Early in 1656 Shivaji attacked Javli and immediately captured it after killing its main defender Hanumant Rao. Some members of their family ran to different places for safety. Shivaji negotiated with them, but failing in his endeavours to win them over, he in a short time killed three more of their large family, Yasvant Rao and his sons KrishnajI and Baji.8 The Bijapur authorities could not save them. One member alone named Pratap Rao escaped to Bijapur where he was taken under shelter and whence he continued for some time to cause pin-pricks to Shivajfs rising career. The short work which ShivajI did with the Mores conveyed a whole¬ some lesson to all who would not willingly accept his plan. Here was a born leader to whom it was wise to submit. Such a belief engendered by this episode of the Mores and soon widely proclaim¬ ed outside, strengthened Shivaji’s hands in all his future plans and projects, now mostly undertaken against foreign powers. No Mara tha clansman dared hereafter to stand in opposition to ShivajI. A small compact little kingdom soon came into being, comprising rough¬ ly the present districts of Poona and Satara. Written evidence gives 1653 as the time of the completion of this first phase of Shivaji’s swardjya. To protect this new conquest of Javli, ShivajI erected a new fort and named it Pratapgarh, which can now be sighted from the present hill station of Mahabalesvar. 

VI. AFZAL KHAN OVERCOME 

ShivajI quickly followed up his conquest of Javli by descend¬ ing into north Konkan and capturing Kalyan, its chief city, a wealthy mart of Adil Shahi’s west coast regions. He also seized by means of accurate planning a large treasure which was on its way from Kalyan to Bijapur. In the course of this affair a young fair Muslim lady, the daughter-in-law of the Governor, fell into the hands of Shivaji’s officers and was presented by them for Shivaji’s acceptance as a trophy of the war. ShivajI disapproved this wick¬ ed action of his subordinates, reprimanded them severely, and allowed the lady to return to her home, duly protected by his own escort. This unprecedented generosity, rare in the Muslim annals of India, enhanced Shivaji’s reputation far and wide as the great respecter of the fair sex. 

Having arranged the administration of north Konkan, ShivajI rapidly turned to the south, inspecting Dabhol, Shringarpur, Pra bhavali, Rajapur, Kudal and other places on the coast with a view to fortifying it as a line of defence for his projected dominion. A few years later he erected the strong naval forts, a marvel of giant work even today, of Suvarnadurg, Vijayadurg, Sindhudurg (Mal van), and lastly Kolaba, and created a powerful navy with ship¬ building yards and arsenals for purposes both of defence and trade. Shivaji’s ingenuity in this respect presents a striking contrast to the unpardonable neglect of the Mughul emperors for the naval de¬ fence of India. They paid no attention to what the Europeans were doing by establishing fortified factories on both the west and east coasts which ultimately proved so dangerous to the existence of the empire. ShivajI borrowed the plan from the Europeans, made friends with them and utilized their skill for his own purpose. 

257 

M.E.—17

A turning point occurred in the politics of India about the year 1656-57. Muhammad ‘Adil Shah died on 4 November, 1656, with the result that his State began to decline and was attacked by Aurangzib in 1657. At Agra, Emperor Shah Jahan was suddenly taken ill, giving rise to a fratricidal war, in which out of his four sons, Aurangzib became victorious and proclaimed himself Emperor at Delhi in July, 1658. In view of these changes Shivaji manoeuvred his course with courage and fortitude as the sequel will show. 

The widowed queen of Muhammad ‘Adil Shah decided to take vigorous measures to put down Shivaji’s power by capturing him alive or dead. For this purpose she selected an intrepid soldier of her court and a declared enemy of Shivaji’s family. She called Afzal Khan to her presence, promised him ample reward, supplied him with a strong well-equipped force and commanded him to employ all possible means to bring Shivaji, dead or alive, to Bijapur. Afzal Khan, leaving his headquarters in September, 1659, came sweeping against Shivaji, pulling down Hindu shrines on the way and plunder¬ ing the prosperous regions of Shivaji’s domains. Shivaji received full details of the Khan’s atrocities through his spies and, unable to encounter the Khan in an open contest, took his residence at his new fort of Pratapgarh in the midst of hills and planned to over¬ come his opponent by some subtle stratagem. 

The Khan, learning that Shivaji had gone to Pratapgarh, pitch¬ ed his camp at Wai, about 25 miles east of the latter’s position. Agents of the two moved freely between them for some time nego¬ tiating for a personal meeting between the two for a solution. After several discussions, the Khan, confident of his strength, agreed to meet Shivaji below the fort of Pratapgarh in a specially erected tent with a decorated canopy. The meeting took place on the afternoon of Thursday, 10 November, 1659. The Khan possessed a powerful body atnd felt confident of overcoming in a personal grip his small slim Maratha antagonist, twenty years his junior in age. Shivaji similarly took all precautions for meeting any eventuality. He wore an iron cuirass of chains under his vest, a metal cap over his skull, concealed under the turban with a long white flowing robe overall, having broad sleeves, covering a dagger in one hand and tiger-claws on the other. After receiving his mother’s bless¬ ings, Shivaji boldly set forth on his dangerous venture to meet his antagonist. As he walked in, the Khan rose and, in his first em¬ brace, gripped him tightly in his left arm and stabbed him with a dagger in the right hand. With great presence of mind, Shivaji saved the blow, ripping open the Khan’s bowels with the tiger claws and instantly bringing him to the ground. The whole affair was finished in a moment. As the bearers picked up the Khan’s body to carry it away in his palanquin, they were quickly disabled by Shivajl’s men, who severed the Khan’s head and exhibited it from a high mast of the topmost bastion of the fort. It was by then the dusk of the evening, and concealed Maratha parties, at a given signal, rushed out of the woods and routed the Khan’s armies both in the wild passes of the hills and in the plain of Wai.9 

The tragic episode caused favourable repercussions for Shivaji far and near. Bijapur now lay practically prostrate before him, and he at once became a power to be reckoned with. The fort of Panhala in the heart of Maharashtra became now Shivajl’s objec^ tive, as it was the last strong post belonging to Bijapur in his on¬ ward march. It took Shivaji some years more to come into posses¬ sion of this renowned fortress. 

VII. SHAYISTA KHAN AND PLUNDER OF SURAT

 

Shortly after getting rid of Afzal Khan, Shivaji had to face a new danger. A new figure had come to occupy the Mughul throne at Delhi, who took prompt measures to put down ruthlessly the rising power of this Maratha rebel. Aurangzlb nominated his uncle, Shayista Khan, to the Government of Deccan and sent him well-equipped to annihilate Shivaji while it was not yet too late. Afzal Khan was finished in November, 1659, and in the following January, Shayista Khan arrived at Aurangabad and, quickly advanc¬ ing seized Poona, making Shivajl’s palace his own residence. He also captured Kalyan and north Konkan which Shivaji had pos¬ sessed a short while before. The Khan’s strength was irresistible, being fully backed by the whole might of the Mughul empire. For three long years, Shivaji was so hunted out in all directions that he became a homeless wanderer and was at a loss how to get out of this almost hopeless situation. In this darkest hour Shivajl’s innate ingenuity alone saved him and he succeeded in turning the whole game against the Khan. He employed secret agents to obtain minute details about the arrangements and disposition of the Khan’s camp and hit upon a bold plan of a surprise attack at night. With about fifty clever and intrepid followers, he entered the Mughul general’s harem on the evening of 15 April, 1663. After midnight, when the guards and the Khan’s family were asleep and enveloped in darkness, Shivaji and his companions attacked the inmates in their beds, cutting and hacking indiscriminately. The noise and con¬ fusion that resulted was indescribable; several were killed and wounded; the Khan himself, it was later discovered, escaped with only his forefinger lost. One of his sons, forty attendants, and six women were killed. The incident proved eminently successful for Shivaji’s purpose. Without undergoing a large-scale fighting, he struck terror into the heart of his opponents. The mortified em¬ peror at once transferred the Khan to Bengal and the Mughul hold slackened in the Deccan. ShivajI, now breathing freely, resumed his onward career without check. 

For a time after the departure of Shayista Khan, ShivajI roam¬ ed fearlessly as an invincible conqueror. His spies wandered far and wide, bringing news of treasures and wealth of cities and of the weak links in the Mughul Government. His head spy, Bahirji Naik, reported to ShivajI that of all the rich Mughul possessions Surat was the most undefended and contained enormous wealth. It was the richest port of western India and was highly prized by the emperor as an important port which was used by pilgrims to Mecca. 

ShivajI established a secret camp near Nasik with specially selected five thousand stalwarts; and without disclosing his destination he left the base on 1 January, 1664, and proceeded north through the coastal regions. He suddenly appeared at Surat and planted his flag at its eastern gate. On the previous day he had issued a warn¬ ing to the local Governor and the richest merchants to pay a certain amount which he demanded or stand the consequences of his wrath for non-compliance. The warning was not heeded and, in addition, the Governor contrived a foul attempt on Shivaji’s life on the third day of his arrival. In retaliation, ShivajI let loose hell upon the hapless town, burning and sacking in every possible way. Houses were dug up and set on fire, chests were broken open and heaps of money carried away. He took care to inflict no wanton cruelty upon innocent inhabitants. Possession of wealth was the only crime which he punished. On 9 January, hearing that Mughul armies 

were coming upon him from Burhanpur, ShivajI hurriedly returned with such booty as could be easily conveyed. No estimate of value of what he carried away is recorded. Possibly ShivajI himself never made an exact calculation, but the plunder must certainly have been in the neighbourhood of a crore of rupees, possibly double that amount. It was taken straight to Raigarh and utilised to fortify that giant structure of his future capital. 

Immediately on his return from Surat, ShivajI learned the sad news of his father’s death near Harihar in the present Mysore ter¬ ritory. This made Jija Bai altogether disconsolate, and ShivajI was at grleat pains in dissuading her from undertaking the self-im¬ molation of a sati. 

Shivajl’s sack of Surat was the severest blow to Aurangzlb and a direct affront to his power and prestige. The emperor lost his peace of mind and at once decided to send a fresh expedition against Shivajl and annihilate him for good. 

VIII. SHIVAJI SUBMITS TO JAY SINGH 

Aurangzlb placed this new expedition under Mirza Raja Jay Singh with Dilir Khan to assist and probably to spy. The famous Italian traveller Manucci, then residing at Delhi, was pressed into service and accompanied the General as an officer of artillery. A splendidly equipped force commanded by Jay Singh left the base in December, 1664, and arrived at Poona in March following, when Shivajl, entirely unaware of these moves of the emperor, was en¬ gaged in consolidating his southern possessions and conducting a war against Bijapur, where he had just overcome Khavas Khan and Baji Ghorpade who had come against him on behalf of that State. He killed Baji Ghorpade and, early in 1665, led a large naval ex¬ pedition with fighting ships of large calibre on the Malabar coast and secured plunder from ports like Bassur. In February, he visited Karwar and while engaged in his devotions to the deity of Gokarn he learned of the terrible attack upon his homelands by 

Mirza Raja Jay Singh. Shivajl at once proceeded to Raigarh and set about devising measures against this new danger. 

Jay Singh carried out his undertaking with all the vigour and loyalty he was capable of. He secured implicit obedience and un¬ grudging help from all the chiefs and powers whom Shivajl had overawed, and he actively supported those who had suffered from Shivajl’s aggression, like the sons of Afzal Khan. So Shivajl found himself paralysed in all directions, unable any longer to oppose the formidable tactics now employed against him.9a Jay Singh establish¬ ed a complete hold on the north Poona regions and besieged Puran dar with such vigour that Shivajl could no longer conduct any operations in open. Complete surrender was his only recourse with only such grace as the Mughul Generalissimo would choose to grant. Shivajl made approaches to Jay Singh and appealed to his religious sentiment. But the latter turned a deaf ear to all his en¬ treaties and declined even to receive his visit, until all his posses¬ 

sions were conquered. 

In this situation Shivajl, with an anxious heart, held constant deliberations with his mother and advisers and decided to throw himself upon Jay Singh’s mercy. He lost no time and fearlessly proceeded unarmed to Jay Singh’s quarters below fort Purandar on 11 June, 1665, just after his (Shivajl’s) valiant captain, Murar Baji, and many of his brave Maval soldiers had lost their lives in de¬ fending that fort against overwhelming forces led by Dilir Khan. Shivaji was well received on arrival and after a formal talk, was directed to meet Dilir Khan. Shiva]I then called on the Khan as he was conducting the siege and won his sympathy by his extreme humility and sweetness of manner. The three then met for con¬ sultation and a treaty was concluded on 12 June settling the terms of Shivaji’s submission. He agreed to hand over twenty-three of his important forts, keeping twelve minor ones for himself and to serve the emperor loyally, fully co-operating in the war against Bijapur which Jay Singh was now to undertake; Shivaji’s son, Sham bhujl, was to be created a panjhazari mansabddr with a suitable jdglr. Jay Singh advised Shivaji to win the emperor’s favour by a personal visit to his capital and receive his pardon. Jay Singh thus hoped to bring about a permanent reconciliation between the two, a vain hope as it proved eventually. 

Shivaji personally handed over to Jay Singh’s son, Kirat Singh, at Sinhgarh the keys of that fort. In the following November, Shivaji joined Jay Singh with his force and co-operated in the war upon Bijapur; but for various reasons the war ended in failure. 

Jay Singh made full reports to his master on his transactions with Shivaji and explained how it was impossible to put him down with their force and how it was advantageous to win him over and turn him into a serviceable ally. With this view he requested the emperor to receive Shivaji in a personal audience and employ his services in defending the Mariathia country which had never been fully conquered. Aurangzib, although not very sanguine on the outcome of such a visit, agreed to Jay Singh’s proposal and invited Shivaji to his presence on a solemn promise that no harm would befall him. During the early months of 1666 the subject was hotly debated between Shivaji and his counsellors; there was a strong sentiment that he should not undertake the risk of just walking into the lion’s den. The treaty of Purandar was almost a stage managed affair; it meant no humiliation to Shivaji, as he was neither openly beaten nor his power extinguished. Jay Singh strongly advised Shivaji to go and meet the emperor and induce him per¬ sonally to adopt a conciliatory policy towards the Hindus after the manner of his great ancestor Akbar. 

In view of the antecedents of Aurangzib, Shivaji did not hope to be able to convert the emperor to his views, but there were other weighty considerations which impelled him to undertake the venture. Such a visit would enable him to obtain a first hand impres¬ sion about the inherent strength of the empire, to study men and matters on the spot and thus to make it feasible for him to carry into effect his life’s mission of a Hindu padshahi. He meditated on the subject anxiously in his own mind and spent days in consulta¬ tion with his mother and advisers. He was constantly in touch with Jay Singh who sent solemn oaths about his safety and so did his son Ram Singh who served at the court. The decision was taken and communicated through Jay Singh to the emperor who paid a lakh of rupees for the expenses of Shivaji’s journey and assured that Shivaji would be accorded the honours of a Shdhzada during his absence from home. On Monday, 5 March, 1666, Shivajl took his departure from Raigarh accompanied by some of his intimate helpmates and a retinue of about 300 souls all told. 

IX. THE WONDERFUL ESCAPE 

The emperor, proud of his victory over Shivaji, was to cele¬ brate his accession at Agr-a on 12 May, 1666, taking his seat on the peacock throne, as his father Shah Jahan had died in the preced¬ ing January. Shivaji was to be received in a full durbar on that occasion. He arrived at Agra by slow marches in time. The Diwan-i-Am of Agra presented that day a unique spectacle; all the Mughul splendour was displayed. Through some mistake Shivaji was rather late in arriving at the durbar and was led to the em¬ peror’s presence when he had repaired to the Diwdn-i-khas. The Prime Minister, Asad Khan, led Shivaji with his son to the presence. Both made their obeisance and offered the customary nazar where¬ upon they were taken back and asked to stand in the third row of the nobles. Shivaji noticing this affront burst out in a sort of open defiance complaining of the breach of the terms that were agreed upon. The emperor noticed Shivaji’s demeanour and sent Ram Singh to pacify him. In the meantime, Shivaji left his place and moved to a corner, vehemently protesting and imprecating, a scene unprecedented in the imperial court. The emperor closed the dur¬ bar and asked Shivaji to be taken away. It was evident that Shivaji had committed a gross offence by defying the emperor so publicly. A strict guard was placed on his residence in Ram Singh’s garden, and his movements were restricted. 

Both parties now began to exercise their ingenuity to end the deadlock and smoothen matters. What was possible for the em¬ peror to do? One of these three alternatives—(1) to put Shivaji to death; (2) convert him to Islam and employ him in imperial service; or (3) to conciliate and send him back. The emperor ask¬ ed for Jay Singh’s advice, and after long deliberation, decided up¬ on the first course—how best to accomplish it without incurring public blame or the Rajput hostility being the only question that he revolved in his mind. With this object, it was decided to remove Shivaji to a new residence, more secluded, where his end could be accomplished without a public scandal. During all this time Shivaji, too, exercised his brain to the utmost in finding some means of escape, fully gauging the emperor’s intentions. From 12 May to 18 August, Shivaji remained in confinement at Agra, devis¬ ing ways for extricating himself and his son out of the situation. Ultimately, he hazarded a contrivance and succeeded in effecting his escape. After pretending illness for some time, he sent away most of his followers with instructions to shift for themselves. He and his son, on the afternoon of 19 August, squeezed themselves in two separate baskets of sweetmeats hanging from an elastic bamboo on the shoulders of porters, and were carried away without being detected by the guards on duty. 

In the darkness of the evening Shivaji proceeded towards Mathura in the north, eluding the search parties that were set in motion after his escape had been detected about noon the next day, thus gaining a clear start of about 18 hours. “Instead of moving due south-west from Agra, through Malwa and Khandesh or Gujrat, he travelled northwards to Mathura, then eastwiards to Allahabad, and finally south-westwards through Bundelkhand, Gondwana, and Golkonda, describing a curve east of the public highway to the Deccan, in returning to Rajgarh,” and appeared before his mother at Raigarh in the garb of a wandering mendicant on 12 September, that is 25 days after he had left Agria.10 It was the most thrilling exploit of all his wonderful deeds, which has for ever added a super-natural glow to his unique personality. It immediately re sounded throughout the country, making Shivaji an all-India figure, divinely endowed with extraordinary powers. The incident simul¬ taneously exposed the emperior’s craft, still further adding to his evil repute for cunning and cruelty. Shivaji’s reputation, on the other hand, reached its zenith for having outwitted the cleverest and mightiest of the emperors. 

Aurangzib felt extremely mortified at Shivaji’s escape and rued the event to the end of his days. He cited this to his sons as an instance wherein a trifling negligence led to incalculable harm. He suspected Jay Singh and Ram Singh of being privy to Shivaji’s plans and disgraced them both. He appointed his son Mu‘azzam, to the Government of the Deccan with Jaswant Singh to assist him. 

Jay Singh was recalled and he died at Burhanpur on his return journey. 

For some time after his return Shivaji took no active or aggres¬ sive measures and spent a year or two in reorganizing his re¬ sources. The new govertnor, Mu‘azzam, adopted a policy of concilia¬ tion and gave no provocation to Shivaji. A formal peace was arranged, the emperor conferred the title of ‘Raja’ on Shivaji, and on his behalf the young ShambhujI was sent to the Mughul camp at Aurangabad, serving there on behalf of his father in consonance with the treaty of Purandar. It seems ShambhujI at this time tasted the pleasures of luxury and vice, which later ruined his career. 

Shivaji also effected a peaceful understanding with Bijapur and Golconda, both purchasing his goodwill by agreeing to pay him the stipulated annual amounts of chauth. Thus Shivaji was accepted as an independent ruler in Maharashtra. 

X. A FRESH WAVE OF FANATICISM 

Shivaji spent two years in comparative quiet and would have possibly continued inoffensive, had not a fresh impulse of fanaticism seized the emperor once more to which reference has been made above (pp. 233-36). On 9 April, 1669, he issued general orders for demolishing all Hindu schools and temples and putting down all their rleligious teaching and practices. All Hindu fairs and cere¬ monies were forcibly banned. The famous temple of KasI Visvesvar was pulled down in 1669 and that of Keshab Rai in 1670, the news of which flashed like lightning throughout India. New grand mos¬ ques arose on the sites of both the temples which stand to this day, visible for miles as one travels to Banaras and Mathura. Shivaji and Jija Bai received these reports with sorrow and consternation and stood forth boldly to resist the emperor in retaliation. As Sinhgarh was the key fort of Deccan politics personally handed back by Shivaji five years ago, he now attacked it openly, killed its guardian, the Hindu Udaibhan, and wrested it from the Mughul pos¬ session, although in the venture Shivaji lost his best comrade, TanajI Malusare, whose heroism Maharashtra commemorates to this day. This capture of Sinhgarh was effected in February, 1670, and was quickly followed up by ShivajI’s seizure of the Mughul terri¬ tories of Kalyan and other places of north Konkan. In April, Shi¬ vaji collected a large plunder by raiding several important Mughul towns. He declared he was taking revenge for the emperor’s attack on the Hindu religion. Once more he turned his attention to Surat  and plundered it for full three days in October, 1670. He continued such devastation upon the Mughul dominions for full three years. 

In this new phase, war continued and severe fighting took place between Shivaji and the emperor’s veteran commanders, Daud Khan, Ikhlas Khan, Mahabat Khan and others. It was round Salher that a great contest raged, as it was a key fort on the borders of Khandesh and Gujarat which commanded important routes of com¬ munication. Shivaji captured this fort in 1671 and the Mughuls put in heroic efforts to wrest it back, causing a heavy toll of dead and injured and an immense sacrifice on both sides. In this fight for Salher the Marathas fought artillery duels on a large scale, and Shivaji’s Prime Minister, Moropant Pingle, earned a unique name for valour, which bards have permanently commemorated. 

One must pass over minor episodes in Shiviajl’s career—his re¬ newed war against Bijapur, his capture of the fort of Panhala in 1673 and so on, which rendered the three years’ period (1670-1673) one of severe strain and labour for Shivaji. Such a strain, how¬ ever, called forth the best qualities of Maratha character—spirit of sacrifice and co-operation, and a sense of national unity, which Shivaji’s unique leadership evoked in his followers and which for a time made the Maratha name respected all over India. This is Shivaji’s greatest achievement. 

XI. THE GRAND CORONATION 

Thus, after thirty years of hard struggle Shivaji now reached a stage in which it became possible to legalize his position as an independent sovereign ruler—a complete master of his homeland. Such a consummation was devoutly wished for a long time and a formal ceremony was considered the best means of proclaiming its realization and, at the same time of reviving an ancient tradition. The neighbouring powers looked upon Shivaji as an upstart, a vagabond, and a plunderer. He was prevented from exercising authority on equal terms with neighbouring powers, or exacting re¬ venue from his own subjects as a legal master. For more than twenty years he owned a separate kingdom and exercised power over it, but this de facto position required a formal announcement. 

There was, however, some difficulty. Shivaji had to prove that he was a Kshatriya and therefore entitled to be formally crown¬ ed. It was discovered that the Ranas of Udaipur preserved the old Kshatriya tradition and the Banaras Brahmanas performed coro¬ nation rites for them in Vedic chants. Shivaji sent a strong de¬ putation to Udaipur and secured evidence that his own house was descended from the iSisodia clan of Udaipur; he also obtain¬ ed sanction from the Banaras Pandits for his formal coronation. One learned priest of the Bhatt family of Banaras named Visves vara alias Gaga took a rational view of the subject, declared that Shivaji had proved by his action that he was a Kshatriya and him¬ self came to Raigarh to conduct the coronation rites for him. 

Grand preparations were made. Guests gathered in large number—agents of foreign States, local magistrates, priests, and friends. A gorgeous throne of octagonal shape with profuse de¬ corations was constructed and suitable edifice befitting a capital town had been completed. Saturday, June 16, 1674, was fixed as the auspicious day for the ceremony, although minor rites had started long before. 

An elaborate programme was drawn up and punctually carried out. The prescribed rites according to ancient tradition were gone through with Vedic incantations befitting a Kshatriya hero. Shivaji was weighed in gold and the amount of 16,000 hons (equal to about 140 lbs. weight of his body) was distributed in charity. The English ambassador, Oxenden, who attended the ceremony at Raigarh with presents from the East India Company, has left a detailed descrip¬ tion of what he saw and heard. It is, perhaps, the most authentic account available of that event. 

The cost of the ceremony together with the construction of the throne is estimated by Sabhasad at Rs. five crores. This probably includes the cost of the fortifications and buildings of the capital, as well as its tanks and the streets, of which one notices the ruins today. The ceremony alone cost about 50 lakhs and was attended by some fifty thousand people, all being fed with sumptuous meals for some weeks. Jija Bai fortunately lived long enough to see this signal fulfilment of her life’s cherished ambition—an independent Maharashtra. She died just eleven days after the grand function. 

It is instructive to notice the permanent marks of royalty as¬ sumed by Shivaji on this occasion in order to announce the forma¬ tion of his sovereign State. The erection of forts and the organiza¬ tion of an armed force and the navy are the usual requisites of an established kingdom and need not be mentioned. But the royal in¬ signia and the particular titles he devised as marks of the Maratha ruler together with the cabinet of eight ministers nominated by him require some explanation: 

(1) Kshatriya-Kulavatamsa (Head of the Kshatriya Kula), (2) Simhasanddhtsvara (Lord of the Throne),  

(3) Maharaja (Emperor), 

(4) Chhatrapati! (Lord of the Umbrella), 

are the four Sanskrit titles which ShivajI assumed at the time of his coronation. In addition, ShivajI introduced a new era of his own dating from his coronation, and on that account received the appellation “founder of an era” (Saka-Karta). 

Another significant measure instituted by ShivajI was his cabinet of eight ministers, each with a department of his own. Most of these ministers were appointed long ago as ShivajI’s Swavdjya began to take shape. The whole scheme was completed and an¬ nounced at the time of his coronation with regulations and duties properly defined. 

The eight ministers were: 

(1) Peshwa (Prime Minister), Moro Trimal Pingle. 

(2) Muzmudar (Amatya) Revenue Minister, Ram Chandra Nilkanth. 

(3) Surnis (Sachiv) Finance Minister, Anaji Datto. 

(4) Waqenavis (Mantrl) Home Minister, Dattaji Trimbak. (5) Sarnaubat (Senapati) Commander-in-chief, Hambir Rao Mohite. 

(6) Dabir (Sumant) Foreign Mnister, Ram Chandra Trimbak. (7) Nydyddhls (The Chief Judge) Raoji Niraji. 

(8) Panditmo (Minister for Religion) Raghunath Pandit. 

The salary of the Prime Minister was 15,000 hons a year, and of the rest ten thousand—a hon being worth about Rupees thrlee and a half. This works out the Premier’s salary at Rs. 4,375 per month in the coin of those days, quite a substantial amount if the pur¬ chasing power of money at that time is taken into account. The salary for a minister was Rs. 3,000 per month. 

ShivajI appears to have borrowed this departmental division from ancient Hindu scriptures which have prescribed it. ShivajI was an autocrat and allowed no definite independent powers to his ministers. 

The Hindu character of ShivajI’s Swavdjya was clearly mark¬ ed. He excluded all foreign elements. Instead of Urdu and Per¬ sian which were the court languages for centuries past, ShivajI in¬ troduced Marathi and coined Sanskrit technical terms for adminis¬ trative purposes. Thus came into being the famous Rdja^Vyava hara-Kosa, a dictionary of official terms. This was composed by a panel of experts under the supervision of Raghunath Pandit Hanu mante. The elaborate Sanskrit introduction to this dictionary is worthy of serious study. Similarly, forms of address in official and private correspondence, office regulations, seals for Government documents and similar innovations were brought into force so as to complete the scheme of this new kingdom. 

This coronation ceremony marks a distinct stage in the life of Shivajl. While it gave him a new and reliable status, it increased his responsibilities in no small measure and involved him into fresh risks. While the Hindu world in general rejoiced in his achieve¬ ments, there were others who became bitter in their enmity to¬ wards him. The Mughul emperor in particular started a virulent campaign to put down this new rival striving to uproot his king¬ dom. The year of the Coronation itself did not pass off peacefully. Bahadur Khan pressed Shivajl from the east. To counteract this move, Shivajl carried fire and sword through the Koli country of north Konkan, Baglan and Khandesh. He also turned his attention to the Portuguese of Goa and captured their important post of Ponda. Nearer home, he captured the Bijapuri fort of Satara and established the seat of his guru, Ramdas, in the neighbouring fort of Parli, thereafter known as Sajjangarh. 

XII. THE LAST GREAT VENTURE IN KARNATAK 

With all the splendour and demonstration of Shivaji’s corona¬ tion and the lofty titles of full sovereignty assumed by him, his actual dominion was hardly more than two hundred miles in length and far less in breadth. Even the whole Maratha country had not come under his control. The Siddis of Janjira and the Portuguese were his constant enemies on the west coast. The Mughul pres¬ sure from the north was increasing. Even his brother Ekoji in the south had imitated him and announced his sovereignty at Tanjore in a similar coronation ceremony. Expansion of his dominion thus became a necessity for Shivajl. He was the regenerator of the Hindu religion, but all the peninsular lands of South India, essen¬ tially Hindu in character, had been long under Muslim rule. The emperor had barred his way effectively in the north. So the south 

alone remained free for his ambition. There were other conside¬ rations which equally influenced his march southward. 

The south was loosely held by the two States of Bijapur and Golconda. During Shahji’s days the rulers of these tried to extend their sway throughout the southern region, but their scheme had collapsed and when Shivaji appeared on the scene as the defender of the Hindus, these southern lands began lustfully to look up to him for a helping hand. The situation rapidly changed when in 1672 the rulers of both Bijapur and Golconda died, leaving disputed successions and inevitable anarchy behind. Bijapur, all along a Shiah State, fell under the Sunni Piathan power of Bahlol Khan who would rather sell the State to Aurangzib and his nominee Dilir Khan than let it fall into the hands of Shivaji. The condition of Golconda was even worse. There ‘Abdullah Qutb Shah held a precarious headship with the help of two astute, clever, Hindu ministers Madanna and his brother Akkanna. There was no Muslim chief strong enough to preserve order in the State and save it from the greed of the Mughul emperor. The two Hindu minis¬ ters therefore came forth boldly to uphold Qutb Shah and for several years so ably managed the administration that its revenues improved and it began to enjoy peace and prosperity. This Hindu regeneration of Golconda excited the extreme ire of Aurangzib at a moment when Shivaji’s coronation had exasperated him beyond measure. Finding their position untenable, the two Hindu minis¬ ters decided to make a common cause with Shivaji as the only means of self-preservation. 

There was another complication contributing to this fresh move. It was a grievous sight for an acclaimed hero like Shivaji to find his own step-brother Ekoji, ruler of Tanjore, holding him¬ self a bond-slave of Bijapur and working openly against Shivaji’s work of Hindu uplift. Ekoji’s wise and capable minister, Raghu nath Pant Hanumante, tried his utmost to dissuade Ekoji from the evil course he was following. He had with him a number of Muslim counsellors always working in the interest of the Pathan ruler of Bijapur and preventing Ekoji from making a common cause with Shivaji. On this point Ekoji and Raghunath Pant fell out so severely that the latter resigned his post in disgust, refused to be a party to the wicked policy of his master, and left Tanjore for seeking fortune elsewhere. He first visited Bijapur and, dissatis¬ fied with the policies that he found developing in that State, went to Golconda. There he made friends with the ministers Madanna and Akkanna and concerted a grand scheme both of preserving the Muslim status of the Qutb Shah and extending the cause of Hindu regeneration in the south with the help of Shivaji. The east coast regions sorely needed some power to give them peace and order. The scheme of conquest launched by Muhammad ‘Adil Shah had broken down after his death. The Nayakas of Tanjore and Madura and other minor rulers were looking askance for some one to give them protection. Here was an opportunity for Ekoji to stand forth boldly for co-operation with his brother and extend his pro-Hindu campaign to the south, which had been begun in Maharashtra. But Ekoji did not respond and Raghunath Pant felt the urge and seized the opportunity. He induced ‘Abdullah Qutb Shah to re¬ ceive a visit from Shivaji and make an alliance of defence and offence with him for carrying out the conquest of the southern lands in co-operation. 

This was in the year 1676 when the whole politics of the penin¬ sula was in a fluid state. Having secured willing assent to his scheme from the men in power at Golconda, Raghunath repaired to Raigarh and there discussed with Shivaji the pros and cons of this new venture. It was heartily welcomed by Shivaji who found in the Pandit just the sort of a co-operator that he needed in order to extend his Swiardjya to regions outside Maharashtra. 

Shivaji welcomed Raghunath Pant’s proposal enthusiastically as it afforded a new channel for national uplift and the regenera¬ tion of the decaying Hindu prestige. Messengers hurried between Raigarh and Golconda arranging the details of the forthcoming visit. Adequate preparations were quickly made to put the grand project into shape and the machinery set in motion with definite duties assigned to the various agents. The Hindus of the south be¬ came enthused with the prospective liberation from Muslim domi¬ nation. Hanumante returned to Golconda immediately. 

Shivaji left Raigarh at the beginning of January, 1677, having already despatched strong parties of armed forces to subjugate local Muslim chiefs who were suspected of working against the main scheme. A ceremonial visit of a Hindu potentate to a Muslim capi¬ tal was a unique event in the annals of India and Shivaji knew how to influence the Muslim world with his beneficence and sob¬ riety. He enforced strict discipline and orderliness upon his fol¬ lowers, all carefully selected and tutored in advance. He reached Haidarabad early in February, and left it early in March, 1677. A most enthusiastic reception with plenty of entertainment and hospitality was extended to him. Shivaji had several ceremonial and private visits and frank talks with the Sultan. An agreement was conclud¬ ed between them for jointly resisting the Mughul advance and dividing the new conquests between them half and half. Shivaji agreed to pay to the Shah a yearly tribute of 6 lakhs of hons. 

From Haidarabad, Shivaji proceeded to the eastern regions with Qutb Shah! contingents, paying devotions to the several shrines on the way. Shivaji appeared before Gingee, then held by a Bijapuri captain, who surrendered the fort after receiving suitable provi¬ sion for him. Shivaji constructed new' fortifications for Gingee, the remnants of which we see at this day. He then advanced against Vellore which was captured after a year’s effort. Shivaji then journeyed to the south where deputations met him from the French of Pondicherry and the Nayaka of Madura. He then arrived at Tirumalvadi on the Coleroon, about ten miles north of Tanjore, where his brother Ekoji ruled. 

Here Ekoji came on a visit to Shivaji in July and lived with him for a week. Ekoji did not show any inclination to fall in with Shivaji’s views or accept his demand for a half share in the pater¬ nal acquisitions. Although a gentle, benevolent character, Ekoji was entirely guided by Muslim advisers who had then sympathies for Bijapur, and Shivaji’s work of national uplift in no way appealed to Ekoji. Suspecting he might come into trouble Ekoji escaped under cover of darkness one night and returned to Tanjore without obtaining a formal leave. Thereupon Shivaji sent his agents to Tan¬ jore to explain matters and, finding that the subject could not be quickly finished, Shivaji left matters in the hands of his Senapati Hambir Rao Mohite with strong forces, and his representative Raghunath Pant, and himself returned to Maharashtra where his pre¬ sence was urgently needed. On the way, he seized most of Ekoji’s possessions in the Mysore plateau. 

Ekoji at Tanjore decided to try his luck in an open fight and attacked Hambir Rao Mohite at Valigandpuram on 16 November, when in a severe engagement, he was routed, losing heavily in life and property. When Shivaji learned of this result he at once wrote a long conciliatory letter to his brother explaining how foolishly he brought that trouble upon himself, and how it would be wise for him to retrace his steps. Ekoji’s wife, Dipabai, was a shrewd, wise lady who brought about a reconciliation between the two brothers and induced Ekoji to entrust his administration to Raghunath Pant. The Muslim advisers were dismissed. As Shivaji died soon after, all the grand results planned and expected of this extensive Karna tak venture fell to the ground. The only benefit that accrued from it to the Mariatha nation was that during Shambhuji’s and Raja ram’s reigns these Karnatak conquests of Shivaji proved of im¬ mense benefit. When Aurangzib conquered the Maratha lands, Shi¬ vaji’s son, Rajaram, found a hospitable shelter at Gingee and the Mughul danger was warded off. 

XIII. SHAMBHUJfS DEFECTION AND DEATH OF SHIVAJI 

This Karnatak expedition proved to be Shivaji’s last great achievement. Thereafter his health and the state of affairs both deteriorated. Dilir Khan began to exert severe pressure upon the Maratha dominions. Shivaji’s son, Shambhujl, now aged twenty-two (b. 1657), had been misbehaving for some time and was kept under close supervision for a time at Shringarpur near Sangameshwar 

(Konkan). He was also sent to Sajjangarh to be reclaimed under Ramdas’s care. He, however, succumbed to the temptations, secret¬ ly offered to him by Dilir Khan, of some splendid prospects under the Mughul Government. Without sufficient forethought or regard for consequences, Shambhujl suddenly escaped from Panhala on 13 December, 1678, along with his wife Yesubai, and was enthusiasti¬ cally welcomed by Dilir Khan near Pandharpur. They together attacked Bhupalgarh, east of Satara, where, Shambhujl knew, Shi¬ vajl had deposited valuable treasure and a number of Maratha fami¬ lies for safety. They captured the fort in April, 1679, and commit¬ ted a fearful slaughter of inmates that fell into their hands. From Bhupalgarh they proceeded to Bijlapur which was saved from fall¬ ing into the Mughul hands mainly through the timely help render¬ ed by Shivajl. Discomfited before Bijapur, Dilir Khan and Sham¬ bhujl turned their steps towards Panhala. In the meantime Shi¬ vajl had employed secret agents to induce Shambhujl to return. At Tikota, a few miles west of Bijapur, Dilir Khan perpetrated severe atrocities by plundering and slaughtering innocent population, in¬ cluding women and children. A similar scene was repeated at the next mart of Athni, when the suffering people appealed to Sham¬ bhujl for protection. Shambhujl made strong protests to the Khan which he resented and a severe rupture came about between them. Some of ShambhujI’s friends in the Khan’s camp warned him that the Khan intended a foul game against him of handing him over into the emperor’s hands as a prisoner. This terrified Shambhujl so much that he left the Mughul camp at night with Yesubai in male attire. As he was proceeding to Bijapur, Shivaji’s agents met him and brought him to Panhala, where he arrived on 4 December after an absence of nearly a year. 

The year 1679 strained Shivaji’s nerve in another direction also. Aurangzlb issued a fresh order reimposing the jizya on all the Hindu population of India from 2 April. It was an open challenge as much to Shivajl as to the many Rajput chiefs of North India. The latter in resentment started a dreadful war against the emperor, which in the long run he was at severe pains to bring to an end

 (pp. 238-41). Shivaji also wrote a letter to Aurangzlb making a strong protest, couched in vigorous terms, against the unwise mea¬ sure and the wrongs which it imposed upon the innocent population. He wrote: “God is the Lord of all men and not of the Muhamma¬ dans only. Islam and Hinduism are only different pigments used by the Divine Painter to picture the human species.”11 

Unfortunately, Shivaji did not live long enough to follow up the noble words with a suitable action. And now approached the saddest moment of Shivajl’s life. He well knew Shambhuji did not possess the capacity to preserve what he had secured in a life¬ time of tremendous labour and activity. He could not, however, re¬ claim his son. Upon the latter’s arrival at Panhala Shivaji visited him and gently tried to impress upon his mind what responsibility rested on him in his prospective inheritance. He employed a large staff to prepare accurate lists of all his property and possessions— of every item, trivial or costly. But Shambhuji did not rise to the occasion and his conduct immeasurably distressed his father’s last days. 

Greatly disappointed in mind and much emaciated in body, Shivaji kept strong guards to watch Shambhuji at Panhala and re¬ paired to his guru at Sajjangarh to seek solace. But what could Ramdas do to relieve the Raja’s misery? The two lived and dis¬ cussed together for a month. In February, 1680, Shivaji proceed¬ ed to Raigarh where the sacred thread ceremony of his son Rajaram was performed in March. A week later, on 23 March, Shivaji had an attack of fever from which he never recovered. He expired at noon on Sunday, 4 April, 1680 (on the previous day, according to some). Out of his eight wives married mostly on political grounds, Puttabai became Sati. One Sakwarbai long survived him keeping company to Yesubai (ShambhujI’s wife) in the emperor’s imprison¬ ment. Soyrabai was put to death by Shambhuji. The others had predeceased their husband. 

XIV. CONCLUSION 

What the earnest endeavour of one man can achieve in this wicked world is illustrated in Shivajl’s life narrated so far. It has not been possible, within the limited space, to give a more detailed account of all the varied activities and achievements of that unique personality. Only the main incidents and their prominent features could be attempted. But even these will doubtless prove the divine gift of genius which Shivaji possessed and which baffles analysis. 

“On more than one occasion he so recklessly plunged into a venture that he had burnt his boats and made retreat impossible for himself. Today, after the lapse of three centuries from his birth, even the most severe critic is bound to admit that though Shivaji’s dynasty is extinct and his State has crumbled into dust, yet he set an example of innate Hindu capacity and left a name which would continue to fire the spirit of man and shine forth as an ideal for ages yet unborn.”12 

We have now before us for study records and eulogies refer¬ ring to Shivaji from the pen of those who came in direct contact with him—poet Parmanand, Ramchandra Pant Amatya, Raghunath Pant Pandit Hanumante, and not a few European traders and tra¬ vellers who visited him in India in one connection or another. The Amatya has left a piece of writing elaborately describing the polity and personality of Shivaji, a unique production in Marathi. Saint Ramdas often gives vivid pen pictures which appear to pertain to no other person but Shivaji, whose valour, circumspection, selfless¬ ness, and devotion to religion are now attested to and scattered throughout his writings. Krishnaji Anant Sabhasad, a member of Shivaji’s court, composed an elaborate faithful account of Shivaji’s life and achievements, which is of inestimable value.13 

Did Shivaji aim at a Hindu Empire for India? A look at Shi vajfs whole life closely discloses his intense regard for religion. He indeed cared more for religious emancipation of his land than mere political dominion. Ramdas has exquisitely described this spirit of Shivaji in his work Anandvana-Bhuvan. The religious persecution practised by Muhammed ‘Adll Shah and Aurangzlb moved Shivaji intensely and influenced all his actions. He at the same time rea¬ lized that religious freedom could not be obtained without political power, and to that extent he exerted himself in freeing his home¬ land from Muslim control. As a result of his visit to the em¬ peror’s court he was perhaps convinced of the hollowness of the Mughul empire, and thereafter exerted himself in bringing India under Hindu control. The imposition of chauth on lands outside his immediate sway was a means to that end. His coronation cere¬ mony and the grand title he assumed suggest his intention of esta¬ blishing a Hindu empire, certainly by degrees according to his means. His expedition to the Karnlatak was a clear move towards a Hindu India, in which he roped in Qutb Shah of Haidarabad. He had all but engulfed the State of Bijapur also. His public protest against the imposition of jiizya explains his attitude in unmistakable terms. If he had been vouchsafed a little longer span of life, he could have brought about the deposition of Aurangzlb, so clearly emphasized a little later by his son ShambhujI in his Sanskrit letter to Ram Singh. ‘This kingdom belongs to Gods and Brahmans’, ‘Hindustan is essen¬ tially a land of the Hindus’, and similar phrases scattered through¬ out Sanskrit and Marathi literature are sentiments actuated by Shi¬ vaji’s endeavour, so closely followed after him by the Peshwias also. Mahadaji Sindhia indeed felt the glory of having achieved some of these dreams when he attained supreme power at the court of Delhi. 

At the same time Shivaji was never actuated by a hatred of the Muslims. He was no bigot and allowed equal freedom to all faiths. He was served as zealously by the Muslims as by the Hindus. The Muslim saint, Baba Yakut of Kelsi, was treated as his guru. Mulla Haidar was his confidential secretary. Ibrahim Khian, Daulat Khan and Sidi Misri were his naval commanders. A large Muslim population lived under him in equal contentment with their brother Hindus. He respected the personal honour of a Muslim as his own. He built a mosque opposite his palace at Raigarh for the use of his Muslim subjects. Shivaji’s ideals were broad and philan¬ thropic, embracing the highest good of all. He respected all holy men equally. Wherever he travelled in his expeditions, it was his particular passion to contact the holy men and preachers of the various localities; he valued their blessing to which he attributed his success. While he intensely respected Ramdas, it cannot be main¬ tained that in political affairs he was influenced by that guru. They were both exalted characters and worked in different spheres in their own ways. Ramdas was a great practical teacher; he did not meddle in politics. 

Shivaji’s administrative measures were a marvel of his time and far in advance of his age. He strictly prohibited grants of land in lieu of military or other service, thereby avoiding the patent evils of the jdglr system. While the Mughul administration continued blindly on the same old model built up by Akbar, Shivaji had created innovations in almost every branch. His division of official work among eight ministers, his system of forts for the defence of his realm, his organization of the navy, his army regulations includ¬ ing those for discipline and plunder, his compilation of the Raja Vyavahara-kosa, his imposition of the system of chauth are all mea¬ sures of his own creation, utterly unlike what was then in vogue. Shivaji lavished money like water on repairing old forts and con¬ structing new ones, about 250 in all, which particularly suited the geographical situation of the Marathla region. Each fort was a self sufficient unit with plenty of water supply and cornland enclosed, so that when besieged, each fort could stand defence by a small gar rison for any length of time. The sonorous and significant names given to these forts reveal Shivaji’s ingenuity even in this detail and remind us even today what their use and grandeur must have been at that time. 

The annual revenue of Shivaji’s dominions has been roughly calculated at seven crores of rupees, possibly much less in actual realization. It may be roughly put down that all the peninsular lands, south of the river Tapti, either wholly or partially owed allegiance to Shivaji. 

Many writers, particularly the western, represent Shivaji as a plunderer and a rebel, conveying thereby that he was no steady or confirmed ruler, but a pest to the society. This is entirely a wrong view. Every patriot striving to free his land from foreign domination is bound to be a rebel until his position becomes stabilized. Shi¬ vaji never committed wanton atrocities during his raids and never harassed innocent population. He subjected Muslim lands to plun¬ der and devastation only when he was at war with those powers. Shivaji’s plunder had the nature of a war levy of our modern days. 

Glowing tributes have been paid to Shivaji’s character as a national hero alike by foreign biographers and his own countrymen, both of his own day and during recent times of advanced historical research. The French envoy, Germain, who visited Shivaji near Tanjore, wrote in July, 1677: 

“The camp of Shivaji was without pomp, without women; there were no baggages, only two tents of simple cloth, coarse and very scanty, one for him and the other for his prime minister.” 

But what his formidable antagonist, emperor Aurangzib, him¬ self wrote upon hearing of Shivaji’s death is no small praise; he said: 

“He was a great captain and the only one who has had the magnanimity to raise a new kingdom, while I have been endeavour¬ ing to destroy the ancient sovereignties of India. My armies have been employed against him for nineteen years and nevertheless his State has been increasing.” 

Insistence on order, obedience and strictest discipline were the main characteristics of Shivaji’s rule. Bernier, Tavernier, Khafi Khan, Grant-Duff, Elphinstone, Temple, Acworth, W.S.M. Edwards, Sir Jadunath Sarkar and other scholars and writers have all given Shivaji glowing tributes regarding him as unequalled by any hero in recent Indian history. He was not only the maker1 of the Maratha nation but the greatest constructive genius of medieval India. No Bacon had appeared in India to point out a new way to human ad¬ vancement. Even Ramdas did not dream of a new path. Shivaji alone understood how to organize his national resources. He called the Maratha race to a new life of valour and self-reliance, of honour and hope. Therefore, it is no exaggeration to say that he is the creator of the Maratha nation, as Sir Jadunath had aptly put it, “the last great constructive genius and nation-builder that the Hindu race has produced.” Jadunath further observes: 

“He called the Maratha race to a new life. He raised the Maria thas into an independent self-reliant people, conscious of their one¬ ness and high destiny, and his most precious legacy was the spirit that he breathed into his race. He has proved by his example that the Hindu race can build a nation, found a State, defeat enemies; they can conduct their own defence, protect and promote literature and art, commerce and industry; they can maintain navies and ocean¬ trading fleets of their own and conduct naval battles on equal terms with foreigners. He taught the modern Hindus to rise to the full stature of their growth. ShivajI has shown that the tree of Hinduism is not really dead, that it can rise from beneath the seemingly crushing load of centuries of political bondage; that it can put forth new leaves and branches. It can again lift up its head to the skies.”14 

Appendix

1., For an elaborate account of the political and social conditions of Maharashtra and the rise of the Bhosles, see G.S. Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, 1957, Vol. I, pp. 17-92. 

2. Highly eulogistic accounts appear to have been recorded in Sanskrit about the exploits of Maloji and Shahji, after Shivaji's reputation had been fully established. Vide Sanads and Letters, pp. 211-215, and the unique Sanskrit composition known as Sambhajl/s dtin-<patra. Paramananda follows in the same strain in his Siva Bharat. 

3. Most of the old records support this date corresponding to 2, Vaisakh Suddha, Raktakshi Samvatsara Saka 1549. However, on the basis of some epigraphical and astrological evidence, some scholars favour the date 19 February, 1630. Recently Sstu Madhavrao Pagadi has suggested that Shivaji was born on 25 April, 1628. J. N. Sarkar accepts Monday, 10 April, 1627 (Shivaji and His Times, Ch. II, Section 3, which also discusses other dates). 

3a. According to J. N. Sarkar he was illiterate (op. cit. Ch. XVI, Section 9). 4. Cf. Sardesai, op.cit., Vol. I, p.97, (First Edition). 

5. The well-known ‘Jedhe Chronology’ was discovered among the old papers of this family. Kanhoji Jedhe was asked by Shahji to help Shivaji. See G.S. Sardesai, op.cit., p.89. 

6. Cf. G.S. Sardesai, op. cit., pp. 104-5 for a slightly different version. 6a. Ibid. 

7. Cf. Siva Bharat, Ch. XVI, 45. 

8. (Editors Note). 

The oldest and contemporary account of the capture of Javli, written by Shivaji’s courtier, Krishnajl Anant Sabhasad, differs materially from the version given in the text which is based on the accounts of later writers. The conclusion arrived at by Sir Jadunath Sarkar after a comparison of all available texts, seems to be more in consonance with facts. His reconstruc¬ tion of the episode may be summed up as follows: 

The ruler of Javli was a boy of sixteen and the State was ruled by the Diwan, Hanumant Rao More. An agent of Shivaji met the latter on a false pretext and treacherously slew him at a private meeting. He escaped un¬ scathed and quickly brought ShivajI to the Scene with a vast army. Javli was captured after six hours’ fighting, and several members of the More family were taken prisoner, but the boy king KrishnajI, with his younger brother Baji, took refuge in Raigarh, a fort belonging to Javli. ShivajI in¬ vested the fort and gained possession of it by negotiations. The boy king and his brother were carried away by ShivajI to Poona and there the former was beheaded. The younger boy escaped and later, in 1665, joined Jay Singh for war against ShivajI. 

Sir Jadunath's comments on this episode are also worth quoting: “The acqui¬ sition of Javli was the result of deliberate murder and organised treachery on the part of ShivajI. His power was then in its infancy; and he could not afford to be scrupulous in the choice of the means of strengthening himself. In exactly similar circumstances, Sher Shah, his historic parallel, used similar treachery in gaining forts in South Bihar as the first step to a throne. 

“The only redeeming feature of this dark episode in his (ShivajI’s) life is: that the crime was not aggravated by hypocrisy. All his old Hindu bio¬ 

gain .Even Shivaji never pretended that the murder of the three Mores 

graphers are agreed that it was an act of premeditated murder for personal 

was prompted by a desire to found a ‘Hindu swaraj’, or to remove from his path a treacherous enemy who had repeatedly abused his generous leniency. “This last touch of infamy it has been left to the present generation to add .... the twentieth century admirers of the national hero.” J. N. Sarkar, Shivaji and His Times, Third Edition, pp. 44-45. (The last para has been omitted in the Sixth Edition (1961) ). 

(In spite of his great respect for the author of this chapter, G.S. Sardesai, the Editor feels obliged to add this note as a corrective to the impression that might be otherwise left on the mind of the readers). 

9. Opinions differ on the vital point, viz. who struck the first blow, Afzal Khan or Shivaji, and on this depends the answer to the vexed and much-discussed question whether the slaying of Afzal Khan was a treacherous murder or an act of self-defence on the part of Shivaji. On this also, the opinion of Jadunath Sarkar (op. cit., pp. 72-3), supporting the version given in the text, Seems to be a fair one (Editor). 

9a. It appears from some newly discovered documents that Shivaji had been receiving help from the Portuguese of Goa in his struggle against the Mughuls, but Jay Singh succeeded in winning over the Portuguese who no longer dared help Shivaji openly. This might have been a contributing factor to the sub¬ mission of Shivaji. Of. Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, XXI, pp. 187-8. 

10. This is the latest view on the route followed by Shivaji during his escape and the date of his arrival at Raigarh. According to the older view, based on Marathi records, which was endorsed by both J. N. Sarkar in the earlier editions of his book Shivaji and His Times and G. S. Sardesai, the author of this Chapter, in his draft written long ago, Shivaji passed through Mathura, Allahabad, Varanasi, Gaya and, even Jagannath Purl, and returned to Raigarh on 20 November, 1666 (Shivaji and His Times, Third Edition, 1929, pp. 153-56). The view given above in the text is quoted from the sixth edition of this book published in 1961, pp. 149-53. It is based on a spy’s report received at Delhi on 14 November, 1666, to the effect that Shivaji had reached his home “25 days after escaping from Agra”, thus fixing the date of his arrival at Raigarh on 12 September. Relying on this, and in consideration of the short duration of the journey, J. N. Sarkar has revised his old views and discussed the whole question in detail in an Appendix to Chapter VI of the sixth edition of his book (pp. 157-9). 

In his New History of the Marathas, Vol. I, published in 1946, Sardesai states that Shivaji, after leaving Mathura, travelled through the country of the Gonds on to Golconda and Bijapur and reached Raigarh “on 12 September, 1666, or on the 25th day after leaving Agra”. But, evidently, through over¬ sight, he gives the date of ShivajI’s flight from Agra on 17 August, instead of 19 August (Vol. I, pp. 178-80), which is given by Sarkar and others, on independent grounds, and is in agreement with the interval of twenty-five days between the date of the flight from Agra and arrival at Raigarh. 

11. For the full text of the letter, cf. J. N. Sarkar, History of Aurangzib, Vol. Ill, Ch. XXXIV, Appendix VI. 

12. J. N. Sarkar, House of Shivaji (New Ed.), pp. 103-4 and 113. 13. The estimate of Shivaji which follows may appear to many as somewhat exag¬ gerated, particularly as there is no reference to many of the statements on which the observations are based. Unfortunately the eminent writer of this chapter passed away before the Editor had any opportunity of discussing the subject with him. The Editor, out of regard for the late lamented scholar, G. S. Sardesai, who wrote this chapter, thought it best to leave it as it is, particularly as it follows more or less the views expressed by him in his scholarly work, New History of the Marathas, Vol. I, published in 1946. 

For a more proper estimate of Shivaji, reference may be made to J. N. Sarkar’s two books mentioned above. 

14. J. N. Sarkar, Shivaji and His Tunes, Chapter XVI, Section 9. 280